iv
THE GREAT REVOLUTION OF
REMINISCENCES OF THE
>,
LOG CABIN ^ HARD CIDER
CAMPAIGN
A. B. NORTON.
"Truth is strange;
Stranger than fiction.
f ff"
A. B. NORTON & CO.
•y1' MOUNT YERNON, O., AND DALLAS, TEXAS.
«
* c • ;
»«
1888.
-
kV MAR
17
8
Copyright, 1888,
BY A. B. N:ORTON,
/4/Z Rights Reserved.
WWMT Pit. 4 Lithe. 0^
AKRON, O.
DEDICATION.
THE TlPPECANOE VETERANS AND THEIR DESCENDANTS,
THESE REMINISCENCES OF THE GREAT REVOLUTION,
THE LOG CABIN AND HARD CIDER CAMPAIGN
OF 1840, ARE DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
The most remarkable political contest ever known
was that of 1840, when Gen. William Henry Har-
rison was triumphantly elected t@ the Presidency of
the United States over Martin Van Buren, the then
incumbent. It was remarkable as the first campaign
in which the women generally engaged, and, by
their smiles and songs and encouragement, promoted
the election. It was remarkable as the first campaign
in which the lines were closely drawn between the
people and the office-holders. It was remarkable as
the first campaign in which the candidate was em-
phatically one of the people — a poor and honorable
farmer. It was remarkable as the campaign in which
the most slander, vituperation and abuse were used.
It was remarkable from the fact that the great mass of
the people rallied to the defense of the candidate they
assailed. It was remarkable as being an uprising
of the people to right themselves and redress the
wrongs that had been done them, and to remove the
imputations that had been placed upon them. Under
the name of Democracy great outrages had been
practiced by those claiming to be leaders. For about
sixteen years power may be said to have been in
the hand's of one person. General Jackson, after hav-
ing served two terms, designated his successor, whose
boast was, that he " walked in the footsteps of his
illustrious predecessor." General Jackson had been
elected as a one-term candidate. In his message to
Congress in 1829 he said, " It would seem advisable to
limit the services of the Chief Magistrate to a single
term of either four or six years" In his message to
Congress in 1830 he reiterated and more strongly ex-
pressed this opinion in these words:
" It was a leading object with the framers of the
Constitution to keep as separate as possible the
8 Reminiscences of the
action of the legislative and executive branches
of the Government. To secure this object nothing
is more essential than to preserve the former from the
temptations of private interest, and, therefore, so to
direct the patronage of the latter as not to permit such
temptations to be offered. Experience abundantly
demonstrates that every precaution in this respect
is a valuable safeguard of liberty, and one which my
reflections upon the tendencies of our system incline
me to think should be still made stronger. It was
for this reason that, in connection with an amend-
ment of the Constitution, removing all intermediate
agency in the choice of the President, I recommend
some restrictions upon the re-eligibility of that officer,
and upon the tenure of offices generally. The reason
still exists; and / renew the recommendation* with
an increased confidence that its adoption will strength-
en those checks by which the Constitution designed
to secure the independence of each department of the
Government, and promote the healthful and equitable
administration of all the trusts which it has created.
" The agent most likely to contravene this design of
the Constitution is the CHIEF MAGISTRATE. In order
particularly that his appointment may as far as possible
be placed beyond the reach of improper influences ;
in order that he may approach the solemn responsi-
bilities of the highest office in the gift of a free people,
uncommitted to any other course than the strict line of
constitutional duty, and that the securities for this inde-
pendence may be rendered as strong as the nature of
power, and the weakness of its possessor, will admit,
/ cannot too earnestly invite your attention to the
propriety of promoting such an amendment of the
Constitution as will render him ineligible after one
term, of service"
Right in the face of these declarations he acted, and
he trampled upon his own sentiments; and after
having set at naught his own teachings and violated
his own promises, he forced upon the country as his
successor "The Little Magician" De Witt Clinton,
speaking of the " political Grimalkin," Martin Van
Political Campaign of 1840. 9
Buren, said, " He was not of the race of the lion or
the tiger; he belonged to the lower order, theyb* and
the weasel, and it would be in vain to expect that he
could command the respect or acquire the confidence of
those who had so little admiration of the qualities by
which he was distinguished." He was known as the
most cunning political trickster in our history. The
brave Tennesseean, Davy Crockett, in his originality,
correctly described him, when he said, " He could take
a piece of meat on one side of his mouth, a piece
of bread on the other, and cabbage in the middle,
and chew and swallow each in its severalty, never
mixing them together." He was skilled in sleight-of-
hand as well as mouth tricks, and was regarded as full
of deceit. His administration of the Government was
oppressive and odious, and the recommendation of
a standing army of 200,000 men, the employment of
bloodhounds as allies, the sub-treasury scheme, low
wages and free trade, and the profligacy and extrava-
gance at the White House, together with the horde of
defaulters, and the insolence of the office-holders,
aroused popular indignation throughout the country.
Even fair-minded and plain members of his own
party could not but feel aware of his unworthiness. As
an illustration it may be mentioned that the fourth-
of-July celebration of 1840, at Vincennes, Indiana,
brought together a large crowd. Abner T. Ellis, Esq.,
read the Declaration of Independence and Mr. Can-
non delivered an oration. A Van Buren man was
asked, ''How do you like the proceedings?" "Why,"
said he, " I liked Cannon's speech prime, but I think
Ellis's bore rather too hard on Van Buren, when you
know it was agreed if we Democrats would join in
the celebration nothing was to be said about parties."
The Democrat regarded the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, the great charter of our liberties, the most
indignant rebuke that was ever penned of tyranny and
oppression, as a speech against Van Buren!
" Words are things ; and a small drop of ink,
Falling like dew upon a thought, produces
That which makes thousands, perhaps millions, think."
io Reminiscences of the
When Gen. William Henry Harrison was nominated
by the Whig national convention as a candidate for
the Presidency at the election of 1840, the adminis-
tration writers and organs commenced ridiculing the
nominee and making light of his ability and qualifica-
tions. The office-holding gentry and the codfish aris-
tocracy turned up their noses and sneered contemptu-
ously at his poverty. In the columns of their leading
paper in the East these words of disparagement
appeared : " Give him a barrel of hard cider and settle
a -pension of two thousand a year upon him, and our
word for it, he -will sit the remainder of his days
content in a log cabin?"* This slur upon the brave old
soldier, who had served his country faithfully and long
on the battle-field, routing the British and Indian foes,
and endured the perils and toils of a pioneer life, and
had always shared his substance with the poor and
needy, filled the hearts of the hardy frontiersmen and
of the laboring men in the West and South, who lived
in humble log cabins, with indignation. The dwellers
in log cabins in the valleys and on the mountain tops,
who lived in plainness and simplicity, took the epithets
of derision applied by his enemies as personal to
themselves, and gloried in their log-cabin candidate.
Honest men felt a just pride in the plain old farmer of
North Bend, and their families made the whole country
reverberate with the song:
" They say that he lived in a cabin
And lived on old hard cider, too;
Well, what if he did? I'm certain
He's the hero of Tippecanoe —
He's the hero of Tippecanoe!"
It became a log-cabin campaign, and demonstrated
the power of the people who lived in log cabins when
once aroused to action. Wanting a just and honest
administration of the Government, and knowing Gen.
William Henry Harrison to be "honest, capable, and
faithful to the Constitution," they rallied around him
and elected him as their President.
The log cabin was everywhere to be seen, and log-
cabin songs were sung by old and young; log cabins
Political Campaign of 1840. 1 1
were built for places of meeting and crowds perambu-
lated the country in log cabins on wheels.
Daniel Webster, in his great speech at Saratoga,
Xew York, made the following patriotic allusion to
his early life and to the manner in which log cabins had
been assailed by the vile partisans of Martin Van
Buren: " I agree that to live in a log cabin is no recom-
mendation of a candidate for the Presidency, neither
is it any disqualification. It is, however, to be as-
sumed that a man who, by his capacity and industry,
has raised himself from a log cabin to eminent station
in the country, is of more than ordinary merit. I, sir,
have a feeling for log cabins and their inhabitants. I
was not myself born in one, but my elder brothers and
sisters were— in the cabin in which, at the close of the
Revolutionary war, in the perils and sufferings of
which he bore his part, my father erected on the ex-
treme frontiers of New Hampshire, where, beyond
the smoke which curled from its chimney, not another
stood between it and the walls of Quebec. In this
humble cabin, amid the snow-drifts of New England,
that father strove, by honest labor, to acquire the
means of giving to his children a better education, and
elevating them to a higher condition than his own.
That cabin I honor, for the sake of the venerable man
who dwelt in it. [Here Mr. Webster's voice became
inarticulate from emotion.] That cabin I annually
visit, and thither I carry my children, that they may
learn to honor and to emulate the stern and simple
virtues that there found their abode; and when I or
they forget that cabin and wrhat it teaches and recalls,
may my name and their names perish from among
men forever."
Harrison and Van Buren were the antipodes to each
other in everything. Van Buren had been brought up
in affluence and had lived in luxury, and had spent
his days, as a lawyer and politician, in the fashionable
circle, while Harrison had been from youth on the
frontiers, a soldier enduring hardship and privation
and baring his breast to the savage foe, a barrier to
their inroads upon the settlements, and when the war
12 Reminiscences of the
ended he settled down as a plain farmer in what was
then the "wild west." He had met the enemy often
and never once had been vanquished. His heart was
full of generosity and love for his comrades, and when
taking leave of his soldiers he told them, " if they
ever came that way they would always find a plate
and a knife and fork at his table; " and I assure you,"
he added, "you will never find the string to the latch
of my door pulled in." His name was ** familiar as
a household word" throughout the great Western
country that he had rescued from the British and In-
dians; and the stories of his patriotism in war and
generosity and kindness in peace had made the plain
people everywhere love him. Hence it is not to be
wondered that there was magic in the name of Harri-
son throughout the Union, and the people, 'with a
fervency and zeal unusual in politics, rally to the
standard of a Harrison. The name of the sturdy
Republican, Gen. Thomas Harrison, who had signed
the death warrant of the tyrant Charles I, the second
of the Stuart kings of England, and that in an after
revulsion he was himself subsequently hanged, drawn
and quartered at Charing Cross, and his descendants
emigrated to America and settled in Surry, Va., and
one of them became the stanch Whig of the Revolu-
tion— Ben. Harrison — whose name stands among the
fifty-six signers of the immortal Declaration of our In-
dependence, and who was one of the most active in
bringing about that great event. In fact, no man of
the "times that tried men's souls" possessed more
nerve and intrepidity, and he was an acknowledged
leader of the greatest men. At the session of the Con-
gress of the Colonies at Philadelphia, in May, 1775,
when John Hancock had been elected President in
place of Peyton Randolph, who had to return to Vir-
ginia to preside over the house of burgesses, and Mr.
Hancock, modest and diffident, hesitating, Benjamin
Harrison seized hold of and picked him up and carried
him in his strong arms and placed him in the executive
chair, then turned around to the members and boldly
said, " We will show mother Britain how little we
Political Campaign of 1840. 13
care for her by making a Massachusetts man our Pres-
ident, whom she has excluded from pardon by a public
proclamation!"
He was a man of more than ordinary height, stout
and muscular, and very heavy, and prided himself
upon the position he held as chairman of the board of
war having charge of the dispatches of General Wash-
ington and the regulation of trade and commercial
affairs; and it was he who, on the loth of June, 1776,
brought up the resolution which declared the inde-
pendence of the colonies, and on the 4th of July he
reported that sacred instrument as having received
the approbation of Congress, and with the other dele-
gates of Virginia signed the same and, it is said, turned
around to Mr. Gerry, a Massachusetts delegate, who
was very spare and slender, and, as he raised his hand
from the paper, exclaimed, "When the hanging scene
comes to be exhibited I shall have all the advantage
over you. It will be over with me in a minute; but
you will be kicking in the air half an hour after I am
gone."
Of this bold and resolute spirit we have found in
our travels in Virginia many anecdotes, all character-
istic of independence ; and the high estimate placed
upon his services and usefulness and ability is second
only to Washington. The many positions he filled
evidences this fact.
The moderate party, at the head of which was
Mr. Dickenson, succeeded in obtaining a vote for an-
other petition to the King from the Congress of 1775.
" On the success of this vote, Mr. D." says Mr. Jeffer-
son, "was so much pleased that he expressed his satis-
faction by saying: 'There is but one word, Mr. Presi-
dent, in the paper which I disapprove, and that
word is Congress? " Mr. Harrison immediately rose
and said: "There is but one word in the paper, Mr.
President, which I approve, and that word is Con-
gress"
This is the Harrison who, in the service of the
country, "-sent forward as a private soldier" into the
western wilderness to fight the British and Indians,
14 Reminiscences of the
his son, with a letter dated October 10, 1793, addressed
to Major-General Charles Scott. In this he states
that, ''Having received an appointment under General
Wayne, I had intended accompanying him in his ex-
pedition against the Northwestern Indians, but I am
unable to do so from having three of my ribs broken
near the backbone; also loosened from my breast, and
one broke near the middle. As there is not the
smallest probability of my being serviceable on an
active campaign, and moving would put me in great
danger, it is prudent to stay at home." "Unwilling
that an opportunity for the Harrison family to render
some service to the country should pass, I determined
to send my son. And now before I take my leave,
permit me to tell you my son, a youth of nineteen
years of age, I have sent forward in the character of
a private soldier under Captain Rollins. His youth and
inexperience, I make no doubt, will stand in need of
your friendship; therefore, I pray you. teach him the
duties of his station, and if any accident should hap-
pen him, pay some attention to him."
What a manly letter. How characteristic. There's
no holding back and no begging for a position of
light work for a youth of light weight as the paternal
mind often suggests. But its very ruggedness im-
presses of nobility. "Teach him the duties of his
station." The boy goes in with "his youth and inex-
perience," and by good work and square work wins
promotion from a private soldier to a major-general.
The name immortalized in prose and verse — in tra-
dition and history — the people could not but shout and
sing for Harrison, who so fitly represented them-
selves. He accepted of their nomination and was will-
ing to serve them to the best of his ability. At their
call he sprang from retiracy and the log cabin into a
full-fledged leader, only that he might bring back the
Government to its pristine purity, when the people
were recognized as the sovereigns. He was ready as
their representative to act for one term and one term
only, and if elected to let their chosen representatives
make the laws and he would execute their wishes. He
Political Campaign of IS 40. 15
was opposed to the willful and flagitious use of the
veto to thwart the will of the people. He did not be-
lieve that all the wisdom of the world was contained
in the head of one small person that might fill the Ex-
ecutive chair. He was for building up American in-
stitutions and American interests, and while welcom-
ing all honest immigrants, he desired to have them at
once assimilate, become citizens, and own their own
homes, and he would throw the broad aegis of the Con-
stitution and the protection of the flag over all and
make us an independent people.
The writer of these rough notes was,
" One of the boys who, in 'forty, was true
To the gallant old hero of Tippecanoe;"
and while an invalid, driven from his home in Texas
by poison oak, to the banks of the Kokosing, has in-
dulged in compiling these reminiscences, believing
that they may be of interest to those who are at the
verge or have passed their three-score and ten, and
" perchance it will delight even them to have remem-
bered it," as well as be of benefit to those still younger,
who are now in the contest of young Tippecanoe, liv-
ing over to some extent that of the old Tip of 1840.
There can never again be a campaign of such enthu-
siasm and hurra as that of '40. The days of plain,
honest simplicity, when the necessity existed for rigid
economy, have passed and gone. The days of shin-
plasters and wild-cat paper money, when a silver dollar
was as large as a wagon-wheel, and harder to get —
the days of substantial a home-spun and hodden-
gray'' — of wool hats and linsey-woolsey — of innocence
and integrity, of virtue and morality, of frugality and
fidelity, and equality — when there were no million-
aires and no Standard Oil or other combines or trusts,
and when monopolies were unknown;
"When none were for a party,
And all were for the State;
When the rich helped the poor.
And the poor helped the great."
The times that created men like William Henry Har-
rison are gone and will not come again to this people.
1 6 Reminiscences of the
We have grouped together many of the incidents as
to meetings in various States, as to speakers and songs,
and have aimed to put in form for presentation the
speeches of some of the most prominent campaigners
— the thrilling eloquence of Clay and Webster, and
Prentiss and Rives, and Preston and Corwin, and other
of the advocates of Harrison, Tyler and Reform, can-
not be transferred to paper; but yet, the few ad-
dresses given will convey some idea of their character.
As to their effect it cannot be portrayed to those who
did not hear them and witness the enthusiasm of the
masses.
The young men of the country can learn wisdom
from the speeches given. We are sure that many will
thank us for embodying in this work addresses that can
be found in no publication in any of the libraries of the
country. They are like " brands snatched from the
burning." There were no stenographers or reporters
a half century ago, as now, to catch down words as
they fell from the inspired speaker.
General Harrison's speeches are worthy of preser-
vation. His letters and expressions are finished pro-
ductions— frank, outspoken, manly, as became an old
soldier. His victory was complete. His term was
short. A nation mourned the death of the honest
old soldier and farmer and patriotic citizen, who sin-
cerely loved the United States, and whose last words
on earth were, "I wish you to understand the true
principles of the Government. I wish them carried
out"
A. B. NORTON.
Mt. Vernon, Ohio, October 10, 1888.
Political Campaign of 1840. 17
HARRISON NOMINATED.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE WHIG NATIONAL CONVEN-
TION, AT HARRISBURG, PENNA.
FIRST DAY.
Wednesday, Dec, 4, 1839.
At 12 o'clock the convention assembled in the
Lutheran Church, and was called to order by Mr.
Williamson of Pennsylvania, who nominated Mr.
Bates of Massachusetts, as chairman pro tern, for the
purpose of organizing the convention.
On motion, Mr. Penrose and Mr. Swift of Penn-
sylvania, were appointed secretaries pro tern.
On motion of Mr. Lee, of Virginia, the list of dele-
gates was called over by the secretary.
The following delegates then presented their cre-
dentials and took their seats.
Maine: Messrs. E. H. Allen, S. R. Lyman, S. Brad-
ley, J. Neal, R. H. Vose, Z. Hyde, G. Pendleton.
New Hampshire: Messrs. Jas. Wilson, S. McNeil,
J. Eastman, G. Stevens.
Massachusetts: Messrs. J. C. Bates, B. Burnell, P.
Sprague, B. R. Hough, J. H. Duncan, S. Hoar, C.
Hudson, A. Lee, H. Shaw, G. Ashman, W. Lovering,
J. Howard, H. G. O. Colby, N. M. Davis.
Rhode Island: Messrs. J. F. Simons, W. Anthony,
B. Diman, G. G. King.
Vermont: Messrs. W. Henry, S. H. Holley, A. B.
W. Tenny, W. P. Briggs, C. Paine.
Connecticut: Messrs. C. Davies, W. H. Boardman,
C. H. Phelps, C. Hawloy, Jos. S. Gladding, E. C. Bacon,
E.Jackson, J. S. Peters.
New York: Messrs. Chandler Starr, Robt. C. Nichols,
J. A. King, B. D. Silliman, Dudley Seldon, R. .C.
Wetmore, J. Hammond, Robert Smith, James A.
Ha'milton, P. R. Livingston, H. McFarland, E. Fay,
E.Jenkins, H. Hamilton, A. Briggs, S. Van Rennssa-
laer, J. Knickerbocker, B. Blair, H. H.Ross, S.Gil-
bert, H. P. Voorhees, D. Petrie, C. P. Kirkland, A. L.
1 8 Reminiscences of the
McCarty, J. Bradley, J. Russel, V. Whitney, D.
White, J. Dunn, D. D. Spencer, A. P. Granger, J. D.
Ledyard, G. H. Wood, G. V. Sacket, H. W. Taylor,
Jno." N. Dox, I. Lacy, P. L. Tracy, C. Tucker, L. F.
Allen, J. Chatterton.
New Jersey: Messrs. Asa Whitehead, D. S. Gregory,
E. Marsh, Jno. D. Hagar, T. A. Hartwell, C. Moffit,
R. E. Horner.
Delaware: Messrs. Thos. Stockton, T. M. Rodney,
R. Mansfield, P. F. Causey, J. Ferries, E. Spruance,
T. Wainwright, W. D. Wapples, D. Hazzard.
Pennsylvania: Messrs. J. A. Shulze, Alex. Quinton,
F. Fraley, Jno Swift, B. Badger, W. Darlington, E.
Darlington, J. Roberts. E. T. McDowell, J. A. Fisher,
W.R.Morris, C. B. Penrose, Jno. Williamson, A. O.
Cahoon, Jas. Merrill, S. M. Barclay, C. P. Markle, J.
Gray, C. C. Reed,T. H. Patterson, "David Leech, Jno.
Dickey, J. Lawrence.
From the Fourth Congressional district, composed
of the counties of Delaware, Chester and Lancaster,
E. C. Reigart appeared and claimed his seat, T. G.
Henderson also appeared and claimed the same seat.
From the Twelfth Congressional district, composed
of the counties of Adams and Franklin, James Cal-
houn appeared and claimed to represent said district.
George Chambers also appeared and claimed the
said seat.
From the Seventeenth Congressional district, com-
posed of the counties of Susquehanna, Bradford, Pot-
ter and McKean, Moses. J. Clark appeared and
claimed to represent said district. Edward Overton
also appeared and claimed to represent said district.
Whereupon, Mr. Roberts, of Pennsylvania, moved
that a committee of five delegates from other States
than Pennsylvania be appointed, to whom the cases of
the contested delegates from Pennsylvania be referred.
Mr. Williamson, of Pennsylvania, moved to amend
that motion bystriking out and inserting that the cases
of disputed seats in the delegation from Pennsylvania
be referred to said delegation.
Mr. Sprague, of Massachusetts, then moved that
Political Campaign of 1840. 19
the said motion, together with the amendment, be
laid on the table, and that the secretary proceed with
the call of the States.
Which motion prevailed, and the secretary pro-
ceeded with the call.
Maryland: Messrs. R. Johnson, J. L. Kerr, J. M.
Goldsborough, R. W. Bowie, G. Howard, A. Alex-
ander, Jas. Moore, R. J. Bowie.
Virginia: Messrs. B. W. Leigh, J. Barbour, J. W.
Pegran, W. S. Archer, E. Chambers, Jno. Tyler, W.
Newton, J. B. Harvey, I. A. Coles, J. Green, Jno.
Janney, H. Berry, A. Waterman, B. G. Baldwin, J.
Edginton.
North Carolina : Messrs. Jno. Owen, C. R. Kin-
ney, W. W. Cherry, F. J. Hill, W. H. Battle, J. B.
Kelly, H. W. Mille'r, N. M. Roan, I. Burns, T. A.
Allison, B. S. Gaither, W. F. Davidson.
Kentucky: Messrs. Thos. Metcalf, L. Combs, M.
Key, W. Preston, J. Shelby, J. Price, D. Banks, F.
A. Andrews, C. M. Clay.
Ohio: Messrs. J. Burnett, N. G. Pendleton, J. John-
ston, W. A. Rogers, W. S. Murphy, A. Toland,J.
M. Creed, I. Belknap, E. Cutter, B. S*. Cowen, C. T.
Sherman, C. Prentiss, T. Bronson, H. Green, J. S. Lacv,
B. Bentley:
Indiana: Messrs. D. McGuire, J. R. Mendenhall,
A. Clarke, J. Perry, E. M. Huntingdon.
Louisiana: G. M. Graham.
Mississippi: Messrs. T. C. Tupper, A. S. Perkins.
Missouri: Messrs. W. H. Russel, Logan Hunton.
Illinois: Messrs. G. W. Ralph, W. S. Newberry, W.
B. Warren.
Alabama: Messrs. H. W. Hilliard, W. H. Fleming,
W. S. Smith.
Michigan: Messrs. G. C. Bates, T.J.Drake, D.S.Bacon.
Tennessee: South Carolina, Georgia, and Arkansas,
not represented.
On motion of Mr. Sprague, of Massachusetts, a
committee was appointed, consisting of one member
from each State, to nominate officers for the perma-
nent organization of the convention.
2O Reminiscences of the
Mr. Johnson, of Ohio, moved that the convention
be opened with prayer each morning, by the clergy-
men of the different denominations, in the city of Har-
risburg. Laid on the table, till the convention be per-
manently organized.
On motion, adjourned till 10 o'clock to-morrow morn-
ing.
i SECOND DAY.
Thursday, Dec. 5.
Pursuant to adjournment, the convention met.
The Rev. Mr. Sprecher, officiating clergyman of
the Lutheran Church, offered up to Almighty God a
most fervent prayer for His blessing on the convention,
our country and the world.
The following additional delegates appeared:
Ohio, Dr. Cyrus Faulconer; New York, Henry H.
Ross; Virginia, William C. Mosley, Festus Dickin-
son; Mississippi, Anderson Miller; North Carolina, J.
C. Washington.
Col. Dickey, of Pennsylvania, announced that the
Pennsylvania delegation had agreed that all the claim-
ants of seats from this State ought to be admitted, and
moved that the journal of yesterday be corrected ac-
cordingly; which was agreed to.
Mr. Sprague, of Massachusetts, from the committee
to nominate officers, made the following report, which
was agreed to:
President: Gov. James Barbour, of Virginia.
Vice Presidents: Gov. Jno. S. Peters, of Connecti-
cut; Gov. J. A. Shulze, of Pennsylvania; Gov. David
Hazzard, of Delaware; Gov. George Howard, of Mary-
land; Gov. Jno. Tyler, of Virginia; Gov. Jno. Owen,
of North Carolina; Gov. Thomas Metcalf, of Kentucky;
P. R. Livingston, of New York; Jacob Burnett, of
Ohio; J. C. Bates, of Massachusetts; Jas. Wilson, of
New Hampshire; E. M. Huntington, of Indiana;
E. Marsh, of New Jersey.
Secretaries: Charles B. Penrose, of Pennsylvania: G.
W. Ralph, of Illinois; S. R. Lyman, of Maine; C.
Paine, of Vermont.
On taking the chair, Governor Barbour made one
Political Campaign of 1840. 21
of the most eloquent addresses ever listened to.
Mr. Graham, of Louisiana, said that a letter from
t le State of Arkansas, authorizing and requesting the
delegates from Louisiana to cast the vote of Arkansas
for candidates for President and Vice-Pi esident had
been received, which he moved should be read. He
said he was glad to find by the letter that the State of
Arkansas was about moving forward in the cause of the
country, and breaking from the shackles of Benton &
Co., by whom it had been held in thraldrom.
The letter was from the chairman of the State Com-
mittee, and stated that the delegates elected by that
State were in favor of Mr. Clay for President, and
Governor Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-President.
On motion of Mr. Roberts, of Ohio, the resolution
offered by him yesterday instructing the president of
the convention to procure the reverend clergy of Har-
risburg to open the convention every morning with
prayer, was taken up and adopted.
The following proposition of Mr. Sprague, as
•amended by Mr. Penrose, was unanimously agreed to:
Ordered, That the delegates from each State be re-
quested to assemble as a delegation, and appoint a
committee not exceeding three in number, to receive
the views and opinions of such delegation, and com-
municate the same to the assembled committees of
all the delegations, to be by them respectively re-
ported to their principals; and that thereupon the
delegates from each State be requested to assemble as
a delegation, and ballot for candidates for the offices
of President and Vice-President, and having done so,
to commit the ballot designating the votes of each can-
didate, and by whom given, to its committee; and
thereupon all the committees shall assemble and com-
pare the several ballots, and report the result of the
same to their several delegations, together with such
facts as may bear upon the nomination; and such dele-
gation shall forthwith reassemble and ballot again for
candidates for the above offices, and again commit the
result to the above committees, and if it shall appear
that a majority of the ballots are for any one man for
22 Reminiscences of the
candidate for President, said committee shall report
the result to the convention for its consideration; but
if there shall be no such majority, then the delegation
shall repeat the balloting until such a majority shall
be obtained, and then report the same to the conven-
tion for its consideration.
That the vote of a majority of each delegation shall
be reported as the vote of that State, and each State
represented here shall vote its full electoral vote by
such delegation in the committee.
THIRD DAY.
Friday, Dec. 6, 1839.
Convention met pursuant to adjournment.
A letter from the Whig State convention of Ver-
mont, addressed to the president of the conven-
tion, was received and laid on the table.
Mr. A. P. McReynolds, of Michigan, and Mr. Pres-
ton, of Maryland, appeared as delegates, and took their
seats in convention.
Mr. Cassius Clay, of Kentucky, offered a resolution
that the ayes and noes be called, and the delegates
declare viva voce their choice as a candidate for Pres-
ident, and that where a delegation is not full, the
delegates present cast the votes of the absent members.
Mr. C. addressed the convention in favor of his
motion. He said he wished every portion of the peo-
ple to be heard. He knew not that his own favorite
would be nominated — he did not know even the result
of the balloting, but he wished a full, fair, and candid
expression of opinion.
Mr. Davies, of Connecticut, opposed the motion of
Mr. Clay, and moved that it be laid upon the table.
Agreed to.
Mr. Hornor, of New Jersey, offered a resolution to
procure a correct list of the delegates and their post
offices, to be published with the proceedings of the
convention. Agreed to.
Mr. McFarland, of New York, laid before the con-
vention the proceedings of a meeting in Orange county
in that State.
Political Campaign of 1840. 23
Mr. Williamson moved that a committee of finance
be appointed: Mr. Lee, of Massachusetts, to be ap-
pointed chairman.
On motion the convention adjourned till 3 o'clock.
SAME DAY AFTERNOON.
After prayer by the Rev. William Barnes, of the
Methodist Episcopal Church.
Mr. Fisher, of Pennsylvania, from the committee,
made report relative to the expenses of the convention.
, Adjourned till 7 o'clock this evening.
SAME DAY — EVENING.
Mr. Williamson, of Pennsylvania, moved that Thos.
E. Cochran, Esq., be admitted to a seat in the room of
Mr. Morris, of Pennsylvania, who had left town.
Agreed to.
^fytr. Wetmore, of New York, offered several reso-
lutions relative to the assembling of a national con-
vention of young men to respond to the nomination
of this convention.
Mr. Wetmore stated that the resolutions proceeded
from a highly respectable body of Whigs in New York.
He did not, however, press the resolutions at this time.
Some discussion now took place on a motion to take
a recess till 9 o'clock. The motion prevailed.
NINE O'CLOCK P. M.
Mr. R. Johnson, of Maryland, said, that as no result
had been arrived at in balloting by delegations, he
would move that the committee on the subject be
instructed to report progress, and that it then be dis-
charged, and that the convention then proceed to vote
for candidates for President and Vice President, per
capita.
Mr. Richard Haughton was announced as a dele-
gate from Massachusetts, in the room of Mr. Colby,
who had gone home.
Mr. Harvie, of Virginia, moved to lay the resolution
of Mr. R. Johnson on the table.
Mr. Harvie said the committee was now in session
and could not report.
24 Reminiscences of the '
Mr. Williamson, of Pennsylvania, said the question
was not debatable.
The question was then put on the motion to lay
the resolution on the table; prevailed.
A motion was made that the convention do adjourn.
Lost.
Mr. Harvie then said he understood the committee
™as.in the house, and he therefore moved that the
resolution be reconsidered.
Mr. McDowell, of Pennsylvania, said the committee
would report in half an hour. [Applause.]
Mr. Harvie said he hoped that gentlemen would
exercise a little patience.
Mr. Taylor, of New York, said he thought the res-
olution should not be acted on, as the convention
would thereby be undoing what had been- done for the
last two days.
Mr. R. Johnson said he feared the committee would
not report so soon.
Mr. McDowell said the committee would certainly
report in half an hour.
Mr. R. W. Bowie, of Maryland, said the committee
had adjourned, and no such order had been taken.
Mr. McDowell said he was assured by what might
be considered the majority, that the committee would
be able to report.
Mr. Hornor, of New Jersey, moved that the conven-
tion proceed to other business until the committee be
able to report.
Mr. Harvie moved an adjournment. Lost.
Mr. Taylor, of New York, moved the convention
take a recess for half an hour, which was afterwards
altered to an hour, and agreed to.
HALF-PAST TEN P. M.
As soon as the convention was called to order, Gov-
ernor Owen, of North Carolina, announced that the
committee had had the subject-matter under considera-
tion, and had instructed the chairman to report progress
and ask leave to sit again; and that the following was
the result of the ballotings for President:
Political Campaign of 1840. 25
Two hundred and fifty-four ballots were cast, of
which Gen. Winfield Scott had 16, Hon. Henry Clay,
90; Gen. William Henry Harrison, 148.
One hundred and forty-eight ballots being a majority
of the whole number, Gen. William Henry Harrison,
of Ohio, was duly selected as the candidate for the
Presidency.
The report was received and the committee had
leave to sit again; whereupon the convention adjourned
till 10 o'clock to-morrow.
FOURTH DAY.
Saturday, Dec. 7, 1839
Convention met persuant to adjournment.
A prayer was offered by the Rev. W. R. De Witt,
of Harrisburg. when Mr. Banks, of Kentucky, rose
and said, that as a delegate from Kentucky he had
come here to acquiesce in the decision of the con-
vention ; he bowed before its determination, and he
could assure the convention that the nomination made
last evening would receive the hearty support of his
constituents — at least it would not be his fault if it
did not. The situation of the Kentucky delegation
had, he said, been one of peculiar responsibility —
they had their first choice, but they came here to
sustain the nomination when made, and on their part
he assured the convention they would do so. Among
his constituents, Mr. Banks said, the nomination would
be received as it deserved. They are uncompromising
in their determined hostility to the administration of
Martin Van Buren. By his own district he could
assure the convention Gen. William Henry Harrison
would receive as large a vote as Mr. Clay. My fellow-
citizens, said Mr. Banks, prefer Mr. Clay, but they
left me uninstructed, which I regarded as a liberal
spirit; and the cultivation of such a spirit in all our
relations cannot but have a salutary effect.
The Whigs of the State of Kentucky, said Mr.
Banks, are sincere in their devotion to Henry Clay —
not on his own account alone, for the measure of
his fame is already full, but because they believe him
26 Reminiscences of the
to be the man of his country. But Kentucky will
not prove unworthy of the man whose fame is but
another name for her glory. She loves the country
more than she loves Clay; and her delegates have met
here as her people will meet at the ballot-boxes on
the broad platform of determined hostility to Martin
Van Buren. Side by side with their brethren from
other States the Whigs of Kentucky will contend for
the reformation of those abuses which now threaten
the destruction of our beloved country, and strive to
make her what present rulers will not — prosperous
and happy.
Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, said that Mary-
land's choice was well known — it was unnecessary
now to mention the individual. The delegation had
upheld that choice to the last. But satisfied, on
consultation with the delegates from other sections
of the Union, that the choice of Maryland would not
be the choice of this convention, and that in opinion
of a majority of the delegates there was another name
that could carry dismay into the ranks of the enemy —
he proposed, on the part of the delegation from Mary-
land, to offer a resolution that the result of the
ballotings be unanimously confirmed, and that Gen.
William Henry Harrison be presented to the American
people with the sanction of this convention.
Under this banner, said Mr. J., we can, we must
and we will triumph; and in order to afford time
for the report of the committee as to the candi-
date for the Vice-Presidency, he proposed that the
convention take a recess for half an hour, and he felt
satisfied that a name would be presented in connec-
tion with that office on which the friends of Harrison
and Scott could unite with the same unanimity that
prevails among the friends of Clay and Scott in re-
gard to the nomination of Harrison. [Immense
applause.]
Mr. Cherry, of North Carolina, said that the State
he represented had remained comparatively quiet in
the selection of the nominee. She had her first choice
as well as other States, but she had too long fought
Political Campaign of 1840. 27
against the spoilers not to know her duty, and she
would stand by her sister States in the present con-
test, by giving Gen. William Henry Harrison a de-
termined support, and when the election returns come
in, said Mr. Cherry, they will show that '•'•Old Rip is
wide awake again!"
Mr. Preston, of Kentucky, said the convention had
already been correctly assured that the delegation from
his State came here for conciliation and compromise —
harmony and concession — and he was certain that the
resolution he was about to propose was one that would
meet the approbation of the convention. It might
naturally be thought, said Mr. Preston, that Kentucky
stands here in the attitude of one disappointed of her
favorite choice. Her people it was true had their pref-
erence; but they were Whigs and would sustain their
country; and to prove that their first choice will sustain
them in that course, said Mr. Preston, I will state that
there is now a letter in this convention from the Hon.
H. Clay, that if read will display the spirit that ani-
mates him in regard to General Harrison. He moved
that Mr. Combs, of Kentucky, in whose possession
the letter was, be requested to read it.
Mr. Combs said that his colleagues had truly rep-
resented their State. If, said he, the heart of Kentucky
is bruised, it is not broken; Kentucky was born a Whig
State, she has lived a Whig State, and I hope to God
she may die a Whig State! The life of her son,
Henry Clay, said Mr. C., is his eulogium, and the his-
torian must do him justice.
Mr. Combs then read a letter from Mr. Clay, urging
upon the delegates from Kentucky the importance of
union among the elements of opposition to Van
Burenism, urging them to disregard his own position;
and paying a merited compliment to General Harrison,
whom he styled the "distinguished citizen of Ohio."
On motion, the letter was ordered to be entered on
the journals.
Governor Barbour, of Virginia, president of the con-
vention, said he rejoiced the letter from Mr. Clay had
been read. For his own part, after the report of the
28 Reminiscences of the
committee last evening, from rumors which he heard
he had been inclined to think that other action might
be taken. As regards the disinterested subject of the
proposed action, said Governor Barbour, distinguished
by the great crisis when the Union seemed to be threat-
ened. I would say a word or two, with your permis-
sion. When danger portended it was his patrotism
and superior genius that weathered the storm. I
need not eulogize Mr. Clay. He will occupy through
all time one of the fairest pages of our country's his-
tory. When danger has threatened, Henry Clay has
always been die foremost to avert it, and his patriotism
and firmness on all occasions, will embalm his memory
in the hearts of the American people. But beyond
the consideration with which I, as a citizen of the Re-
public, regard Mr. Clay, said Governor Barbour, there
are other reasons for my ardent attachment to him.
I have known him from my infancy, and in the inter-
course under the guard of honorable confidence and
private friendship, on no occasion have I ever heard
a sentiment from Henry Clay which was not that of an
ardent patriot and devoted friend of his country.
There is no selfishness about him — no petty scheming
for his own advancement. And had it been your
pleasure, gentlemen, to nominate him to the Presidency,
his election would have opened a new epoch in the
history of our country. He would not have been the
little, dirty, petty tool of a party; but would have
cleansed the Augean stable, and made us a happy
people.
But notwithstanding my feelings for Mr. Clay,
said Governor Barbour, and the hope I entertained
that he would receive your nomination, I have come
to the conclusion that so far as my vote and influence
go, they shall sustain the harmony of this convention,
and I shall therefore vote for the unanimous nomina-
tion of Gen. William Henry Harrison.
Mr. B. W. Leigh, of Virginia, said that he con-
curred in the sentiments of his colleague, [Governor
Barbour] and would join him in his vote for the unani-
mous entry of the nomination on the journal. The
Political Campaign of 1840. 29
letter of Mr. Clay was an evidence that in his heart
disinterested patriotism was superior to all other feel-
ings. He [Mr. L.] could nut think that the ambition
of such a man as Henry Clay could be gratified by
being made President. He has already secured a
fame that will live as long as pure government — a
renown that will survive the marble monument that
will cover his grave — and a renown more valuable in
his [Mr. L.'s opinion] than any station, however high
and exalted it may be.
Mr. Leigh said that one of the purposes for which
the convention had met had been accomplished, and
he for one would give his heart and hand to crown its
labors with success.
Mr. Leigh also said that he too had had correspond-
ence— correspondence with his intimate, old, personal
friend. Gen. Winfield Scott, and he could assure the
convention that he too would sanction their proceed-
ing with his vote and influence.
Mr. J. A. King, of New York, said that as a repre-
sentative of New York, he regretted that the choice
of his State had not prevailed in the nomination; but,
said Mr. King, we have surrendered him with manly
firmness because we knew that the choice could not
but fall upon an individual worthy of the support of
American freemen. Our votes have been cast in the
conviction that the candidate of this convention will
ultimately carry. We have presented to the people a
name unsullied by any spot of civil or military de-
linquency. We have given this distinguished indi-
vidual our unhesitating support. We did not prefer
General Scott because we believed him to be of sounder
principles than him to whom we have thrown our
votes, but for local reasons. The choice of the con-
vention shall receive equal honor at our hands.
Mr. King said he would not detain the convention
by a speech, but would merely remark that in the field
General Harrison has displayed equal valor with Gen-
eral Scott — and he was certain the latter would re-
spond to the convention, "God prosper your decision
— God bless you all!"
30 Reminiscences of the
Mr. Dudley Selden, of New York, said he was one
of the minority who formed one-third of the dele-
gation from that State, and went with the repr,esenta-
tives of Kentucky and Virginia in the selection of a
candidate. They had pursued that object till success
became hopeless; but whatever may have been our
preferences, said Mr. Selden, we concur heartily in
carrying out the decision of the convention.
Mr. Jonathan Roberts, of Pennsylvania, addressed
the convention in favor of the nomination. He said
he had been in favor of the nomination of Mr. Clay;
but being out-voted would not only acquiesce, but
would unite heartily in the support of Gen. William
Henry Harrison, and would do all in his power to
further his election.
Mr. R. Johnson, of Maryland, then offered the fol-
lowing resolution:
• Resolved, That this convention unanimously recom-
mend to the people of the United States Gen. William
Henry Harrison, of Ohio, as a candidate for Presi-
dent, and John Tyler, of Virginia, as a candidate for
Vice-President.
Before the question was taken, Governor Owen, of
North Carolina, said the balloting committee were
ready to report on the subject of the Vice-Presidency;
that 231 votes had been cast for Vice-President —
the vote of Virginia not having been cast, and that
the 231 votes had all been cast for John Tyler, of Vir-
ginia, who was accordingly reported by the committee
as the candidate for the Vice-Presidency.
Mr. B. W. Leigh, of Virginia, then stated that the
vote of Virginia had not been cast, because it was un-
derstood that Mr. Tyler, one of the delegation, would
in all probability receive the nomination, and delicacy
therefore forbade their participation.
Colonel Swift, of Pennsylvania, briefly expressed
his original preference for the distinguished states-
man of Kentucky, Henry Clay, and concluded by de-
claring his determination to yield his preference, and
heartily and cordially to give his support to the nom-
ination of the convention, and return to his constit-
Political Campaign of 1840. 31
uents and recommend to them to do so likewise.
Mr. Sprague, of Massachusetts, next rose, and con-
gratulated the convention on the happy result which
was about to crown its labors. He referred to the
fact that the delegates came much divided in opin-
ion, and to the hopes entertained by our enemies
that they would be divided in the selection of a can-
didate. Happily they have been disappointed. He
alluded to the character and worth of Mr. Clay, his
distinguished services to the country, and his high
admiration of him. Massachusetts, he said, also had
her favorite son; but she had yielded up her prefer-
ences— and yielded them early — for the sake of con-
ciliation and success. She had made this sacrifice
freely — cordially — and she would now rally under the
banner of William Henry Harrison with the same zeal,
and the same certainty of success as with her own
favorite son.
Mr. Chambers, of Pennsylvania, was not only will-
ing to support the resolution of the gentleman from
Maryland, but to do so cordially and with ah his heart.
He was ready to rally under the banner of William
Henry Harrison, and support that banner with all the
influence that God and nature had given him.
Mr. Simmons, of Rhode Island, said in behalf of
himself and his delegation, that though last to yield
their preferences, they would be among the first to
respond to the nomination.
Mr. Vose, of Maine, warmly responded to the nom-
ination.
Judge Burnett, of Ohio, next addressed the con-
vention at some length. After a brief eulogy of Mr.
Clay, he referred to the early history of General Har-
rison, and his intimate acquaintance with him, and tes-
tified to the high estimation in which he was held by
all who knew him. He concluded by recommending
the unfurling the Union flag, with the motto of Mr.
Wise of Virginia, "Union for the sake of the Union. r'
Do this, said he, and all will be well.
Mr. Livingston, of New York, rose next. He
menced his remarks by asking- the question, Wheitfc "aiir* 't
* I
32 Reminiscences of the
I? What has brought me here? and answered with
the emphatic response, Love of country! — a wish to
see the powers that be effectually prostrated and the
country redeemed from the hands of the spoilers. He
alluded to his old age and feebleness, stating that even
then he was scarcely able to proceed; he said he had
been a Democrat all his life, had never been out of the
harness. He ever had and ever would adhere to
the principle that the majority govern. When that
principle was lost sight of there must be an end of the
Republic.
Mr. Livingston briefly eulogized the character of Mr.
Clay. The world, he said, would do him justice. His
fame would be admired by after generations. Next
he adverted to the character of General Harrison. He
said he liked his character. He knew him well, and
nothing had been said in his praise that was not
strictly true. Ohio, he said, would go for him by ac-
clamation, and he was persuaded from what he had
learned that the Keystone would yet be the arch of
the Union. He then drew a vivid picture of Martin
Van Buren, and referred to the downward tendency of
the country under his administration, which, he said,
had put the Republic radically wrong; but he had
every confidence that we would soon get radically
right. When he had realized this belief he would de-
scend to the tomb happy and contented.
Governor Metcalf, of Kentucky, was particularly
happy in his remarks. Kentucky's favorite son, he
said, had lost the nomination, but had he himself been
here he would have done precisely what the delegation
from that State are prepared to do — enter heartily into
the support of the nomination. Success is and ever
has been his first object. The man who can best secure
that success to the party is the man he would rally
under — so will his friends. As regarded himself, he
did not sacrifice so much as did many other of the
friends of Mr. Clay; he moved only from the side of
one noble friend to take his stand firmly by the side
of another and no less noble friend. The country
had not done General Harrison justice. He has done
Political Campaign of 1840. 33
more for his country and received less for his services
than any man living. He possessed both civil and
military capacities of the first order, which should en-
title him to the admiration of the people. Governor
Metcalf said he came here in favor of Kentucky's favor-
ite son, believing him to be the candidate most likely
to succeed. Since he had been here he had inter-
changed sentiments with the delegates from the various
States and had come to the conclusion that he was
mistaken. He was now prepared to go for the strong-
est man and overturn the powerful despotism under
which we were now suffering. Let not the song, of
Democracy cheat the people. He had ever been a
Democrat — not one of the Democrats of the present
day — he was an old-fashioned Democrat. He verily
believed that the name of Democracy had cheated half
the people out of their senses. He here drew a vivid
picture of the corruption of the present powers that
be and the enormities committed under the name of
Democracy. He regarded it as his duty, he said, to
warn the people against such Democracy. He hoped,
he said, in conclusion, for triumph. The ''Hunters
of Kentucky" will be found true to the great Whig
party of the Union.
Mr. Boardman, of Connecticut, earnestly supported
the nomination.
General Wilson, of New Hampshire, was very
happy in his remarks. He expressed the belief that
his State, though her prospects had been dark and
gloomy, would respond to the nomination of Harrison
and Tyler in a spirit of enthusiasm which would
enable her to triumph over the present corrupt party
in power. He related several anecdotes, and applied
them very happily.
Mr. Hilliard, of Alabama, said that he rejoiced to
hear the voice of congratulation sounding all around
him, and that he entertained the same patriotic feelings
as the gentleman who had preceded him. His own
preferences, he said, had been ardent for Clay, but he
would stand or fall with the nominee of this conven-
tion. He was resolved to sacrifice and risk everything
34 Reminiscences of the
for the good of the cause; and he felt assured that the
delegates would all go home with an account of their
proceedings that will impart a corresponding enthu-
siasm in the bosoms of their constituents.
Mr. Merrill, of Pennsylvania, supported the resolu-
tion in a few excellent remarks. ,
Mr. Tupper, of Mississippi, said that the Mississippi
delegation had cast the vote of that State for Henry
Clay, and perhaps the Whigs of the State will be
disappointed in the result of our deliberations; but they
will go for the nominee of this convention, and the
land of Poindexter and Prentiss, as she has done
before, will do her duty still; and from the harmony
of this convention, and the enthusiasm manifested by
the members, he felt satisfied she can be rescued from
the spoilers under the banner of the hero of Tippe-
canoe.
Mr. Whitehead, of New Jersey, said he too had
had his first choice. He had been overruled by the
majority, but he did not complain, and would cheer-
fully abide by the decision of the convention. The
nominee had once before received the vote of New
Jersey, and was assured he would do so again.
Mr. Russel, of Missouri, commenced his remarks
by stating that he came from the State of the great
expunger. Dark clouds had long lowered over that
State, but light is now breaking through them. There
are still some green spots on which the eye loves to
rest. His first choice had not been selected, but we
leave him in the hands of his country, with the
wreath of fame covering his brow.
The Whigs of Missouri, said Mr. Russel, will sup-
port the nominee of this convention, General Harri-
son, and if their decision should fail in the latter, they
will hope to be rejoiced by the shout of victory from
their sister States.
There are considerations in Missouri that make the
name of General Harrison a tower of strength. He is
rich in the affections of his countrymen, and the
Whigs of Missouri will do their best — will die in the
last ditch.
Political Campaign of 1840. 35
Mr. Graham, of Louisiana, said that he and the
Whigs of the State he represented had their first
choice. But their prayer will be offered up for the
success of the ticket.
A gentleman from Vermont, whose name the re-
porter could not learn, addressed the convention. He
said the Whigs of that State will never surrender till
the gates of the White House at Washington are de.-
manded and secured in the name of the people of this
great Republic.
Mr. Newton, of Virginia, said that the State which
had the honor to be the birth-place of the first savior
of his country, will prove to be the birth-place of the
second savior of his country. He said the character
of General Harrison is now much misunderstood, and
when better understood will be better appreciated.
Mr. Bates, of Michigan, said he liked the eccentric
Crockett's motto, "• Be sure you're right, then go
ahead!" With General Harrison, said Mr. Bates, we
are right, and I assure the convention we will "go
ahead."
Judge Huntingdon, of Indiana, said that that State
has been Whig — and is Whig to the core. He was
sure she would give General Harrison a large majority
in 1840. He himself resided at Fort Harrison, and he
knew there was no man there who supported the
General in 1836, when the State gave him eight thou-
sand majority, who would not do so again.
The Judge referred to the course of General Har-
rison in Congress in reference to the public lands and
the early settlers, who, instead of an enemy, as they
feared, found him their best friend. He also referred
to the declaration of Col. R. M. Johnson that General
Harrison had fought more battles than any man in the
country and "never lost a battle."
The Judge said he was sure he never will lose a
battle, and that his nomination will be received in the
West with a burst of enthusiasm never before known
in the country.
The question was then taken on the resolution of
Mr. Johnson, when it was unanimously adopted.
36 Reminiscences of the
A resolution was then offered and adopted con-
gratulating the constituents of the convention on
the result of its deliberations, and recommending the
same harmony and enthusiasm among them that
have characterized the proceedings of the delegates.
Mr. Preston, of Kentucky, offered a resolution rela-
tive to the adoption of an address to the people of
the United States.
Mr. B. W. Leigh opposed the motion, believing no
address necessary. He said he should be in favor
of leaving the nomination to its own weight. He
was not for acting on the defensive, but on the offen-
sive. He was for carrying the war into Africa; for
arraigning the spoilers before the bar of the Amer-
ican people for high crimes and misdemeanors, when
they will receive the punishment due them, and the
only punishment they can receive under our institu-
tions— dismissal from office now and forever.
Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, made some remarks which
we could not hear.
Mr. Burnell, of Massachusetts, said there was no
need of an address. If the voice of the West rolling
clown from the mountains and along the valleys of
the Atlantic, be not better than all the addresses that
ever wer,e issued, then indeed a miracle has been
wrought.
Mr. Preston's resolution was withdrawn.
Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, stated that it was the wish
of General Harrison only to serve but one term, if
elected to the Presidency.
A resolution was then submitted by R. Johnson, of
Maryland, and agreed to, recommending the friends
of correct principles in the different States to hold
conventions on the 22d of February next, or such day
as may be agreed upon, for the purpose of nominat-
ing electoral tickets and general organization.
On motion of Governor Ewen, of North Carolina, a
committee of one from each delegation was appointed
to inform the nominees of the convention of their nom-
ination.
Mr. Horn or, of New Jersey, said that in conformity
Political Campaign of 1840. 37
with the recommendation of the State convention of
that State he offered the following:
Resolved, That this convention recommend to the
Whig young men of the several States to assemble at
Washington City on the first Monday of May next,
for the purpose of advancing the cause of sound prin-
ciples.
The resolution was agreed to after the substitution
of Baltimore for Washington.
A resolution was passed tendering the thanks of the
convention to the trustees of the Lutheran church, and
to the reverend clergymen who attended the sessions.
Also a resolution tendering the thanks of the con-
vention to the officers.
The president responded to the resolution in some
very appropriate remarks, when the convention ad-
journed sine die.
ANECDOTE OF HARRISON.
The following circumstance was mentioned during
the session of the Harrisburg convention by Judge
Burnet, of Ohio, a warm personal friend of General
Harrison.
Many years since, while the great tide of emigra-
tion was flowing through the Western States, the
hero of the Thames having, for a while, exchanged
the arduous duties of a statesman and general for the
more peaceful pursuits of agriculture, was, on a hot
summer evening, at the porch of his humble "log
cabin," asked for shelter and a meal by a minister of
the Gospel of the Methodist Episcopal persuasion.
The jaded appearance of the steed and the soiled gar-
ments of the rider proclaimed the fatigue of the day,
and with his usual courtesy the old General welcomed
the stranger. After a plain and substantial supper
the guest joined with his host in social conversation,
and the latter, laying aside the character of the sol-
38 Reminiscences of the
dier and statesman, willingly listened to the pious
instruction of the traveler. They retired to rest, the
good old soldier thankful to a munificent Providence
that he was enabled to administer to the wants of a
fellow-creature and the worthy minister of Christ in-
voking the blessing of heaven upon the head of his
kind benefactor. Morning came and the minister
prepared to depart. He was in the act of taking leave
when he was informed that his horse had died dur-
ing the night. This loss, however severe, considering
that he had yet two hundred miles to travel, did not
discourage him in the exercise of his duty; but taking
his saddle-bags on his arm he rose to depart with
thanks for the kindness of his entertainer. The old
General did not attempt to prevent him, though he
offered his condolence upon his loss, but an observ-
ing eye could have detected a smrle of inward satis-
faction which the conciousness of doing good alone
produces. The guest reached the door and to his
astonishment found one of the General's horses ac-
coutred with his own saddle and bridle in waiting
for him. He returned and remonstrated, stating his
inability to pay for it, and that in all probability he
should never again visit that section of the country.
But the General was inexorable and reminded the aston-
ished divine that " He who giveth to the poor lendeth
to the Lord," sent him on his way, his heart over-
flowing with gratitude and his prayers directed to
heaven for blessings on the venerable hero.
HARRISON'S LETTER.
Reader, compare the two letters which we place
before you, and if a Whig you will be proud of your
candidate. Indeed, we thank General Harrison, from
the bottom of our heart, for this, his best letter. It is
indeed one most important step in the great reform
which is to save our country — which brings us back
to the fandamental principle in the Constitution, which
Political Campaign of 1840. 39
would establish the independence and purity of Con-
gress. It is indeed a reform.
Albany, Feb. 28, 1840.
SIR: On behalf of the Whig members of the legisla-
ture, being a majority of both the senate and the
house of assembly, the undersigned have the honor
to transmit to you the inclosed resolutions prepared
by us and passed with perfect unanimity and the most
enthusiastic feeling, by those members, at a meeting
held on Saturday last, being the anniversary of Wash-
ington's birth-day.
We have also the honor to transmit to you a paper
containing a report in full of the speeches and proceed-
ings at that meeting.
We have the fullest confidence, that in the views
there expressed as to the character and policy of the
present administration, as well as in the tributes paid
to your character and public services, and to those of
the distinguished citizen associated with you in the
Harrisburg nomination, we have given utterance not
onlv to our own feelings and convictions, but to those
of a large majority of the people of this State
We are, with high respect, your friends and fellow -
citizens, G. C. VERPLANCK, ^
MARTIN LEE, > Of the senate.
JOHN MAYNARD, )
C. E. CLARK, ^
WM. DUER,
PETER B. PORTER, }• Of the assembly.
D. B. ST. JOHN,
J. HUBBARD,
GEN. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.
North Bend, Ohio, May 23, 1840.
GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter of the 28th February, conveying
the proceedings of a meeting of the Whig members
of the legislature convened in the Capitol of the State
on the twenty-second of that month.
I beg you to believe, gentlemen, that I am deeply
impressed with the honor which has been conferred
4-O Reminiscences of the
upon me by the distinguished body whom on this
occasion you represent. The great object _of both
mv civil and military life has been to serve my country
to the utmost of my abilities and to obtain its appro-
bation. The hope of this has often cheered me in cir-
cumstances of great difficulty and embarrassment.
You will pardon me, I trust, if in this letter I go
somewhat beyond the mere purpose of acknowledging
the receipt of your communication and use the occasion
for making a few remarks which circumstances seem
to require from me in respect to a declaration of
opinions or pledges, as to my future conduct, required
of candidates for high offices.
My public life, not now a short one, is before the
country. My opinions on important subjects have
been expressed from time to time as those subjects
have arisen; and since my name has been mentioned
among those from whom a selection might be made
for the office of President, I have in several letters to
friends fully and frankly avowed my sentiments.
Further than this I cannot suppose intelligent persons
could desire me to go. The people of this country
do not rely on professions, promises and pledges.
They know that if a candidate is unprincipled he will
not scruple to give any pledge that may be required
of him, and as little will he hesitate to violate it.
I have already made public the principles by which
I should be governed if elected President, so far as re-
lates to the proper executive duties of that office. But
almost innumerable applications have been made to me
for my opinions relative to matters of legislation, or
even to the proper mode of conducting business in
the two houses of Congress.
My published letters to Mr. Williams and Mr. Den-
ny will show that I do not consider the President
a constituent branch of the legislature; yet it is imposs-
ible to read the letters that have been addressed to
me without believing that many of the writers had
adopted the opinion that the Presidential office was the
proper source and origin of all the legislation of the
country; an opinion, in my judgment, at war with
Political Campaign of 1840. 41
every principle of the Constitution, and of deep and
dangerous consequence. The prevalence of such senti-
ments, more than almost anything else, would tend
to consolidate the whole substantial power of the Gov-
ernment in the hands of a single man, a tendency
which, whether in or out of office, I feel it my most
solemn duty to resist.
I have declined, therefore, to give any further pledge
or opinions on the subjects which belong to the future
legislation of Congress; because,
1. I conceive, for the reasons given in my letters
to Mr. Williams and Mr. Denny, that Congress
should be left as much as possible untrammeled by
Executive influence in the discharge of its legislative
functions; and that a better guarantee for the correct
conduct of a Chief Magistrate may be found in his
character the course of his former life, than in
pledges and opinions given during the pendency of a
doubtful contest; and that, although recognizing the
right of the people to be informed of the leading polit-
ical opinions of the candidates for offices of trust, yet
as it regards the subjects upon which the legislature
may be called to act, the pledges and opinions should
be required, if required at all, of candidates for
Congress.
2. Because the habit of considering a single in-
dividual as the source from which all the measures of
government should emanate, is degrading to a republic,
and of the most dangerous tendency.
3. Because upon all the questions in regard to which,
under any circumstances, it would be at all proper
for me to make answers, my sentiments have already
been fully and clearly given to the public, in a manner
to entitle them to credence, as I conceive that no
honest man would suffer his friends to publish docu-
ments in his name which were not genuine, or contain-
ing opinions which he was not then willing to in-
dorse. Accept, gentlemen, the assurance of my high
regard. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.
Messrs. Verplanck. Lee, Maynard. Duer, Clark,
Porter, St. John and Hubbard.
42 Reminiscences of the
In reply to a letter similar in substance to that of
General Harrison, Governor Tyler thus writes :
Williamsburg, Va., March 2
GENTLEMEN : I owe you my acknowledgments for
your letter communicating to me the proceedings of
the Whig members of the legislature of New York,
and the paper containing the addresses made at their
late meeting. I have read them with deep interest,
not because of my present political relations to the
country, relations which you. are well aware are not
in the slightest degree of my own seeking ; but
because whatever proceeds from the accredited repre-
sentatives of a majority of the people of the great
State of New York, is entitled at all times, and more
especially at the present, to excite the highest degree
of attention. The influence and power which she
exerts over the affairs of the Union devolve upon
her a responsibility of the weightiest character, and
when she announces herself on the side of the
institutions of the country, the friends of civil liberty
have cause to feel assured that all is safe. Such are
the feelings which your late proceedings and addresses
are calculated to inspire, and such, I am sure, will
be the happy result.
For the complimentary notice which has been taken
of myself by the Whig members of the legislature, I
beg to be permitted to express my thanks, and to
tender each of you, gentlemen, wishes for your health,
happiness and prosperity.
I have the honor to be, yours, etc.,
JOHN TYLER.
Committee of the senate : Hon. G. C. Verplanck,
Hon. Gen. Martin Lee, Hon. John Maynard.
Committee of the assembly : Messrs. C. E. Clark,
W^m. Duer, Peter B. Porter, D. B. St. John, and J.
Hubbard.
Political Campaign of 1840. 43
POLLOCK'S DEFENSE.
THE BRAVE SOLDIER DEFENDS His OLD CHIEF.
Among the malicious inventions against General
Harrison's character was that of cowardice. And,
notwithstanding that in early youth he forsook the
luxurious life of an Atlantic city to enlist in a war
against the British and Indians among the primitive
forests and prairies of the West, there were at times
men so vile as to make such a charge. In the Ohio
legislature, after two Van Buren members had in-
dulged in this accusation, Mr. Pollock, thus replied to
them:
MR. SPEAKER: I have listened to the debate with
much patience. I have heard abuse heaped upon
General Harrison by men who are comparatively
young, and although I am unaccustomed to speech-
making, I hope the house will bear with me for a few
moments, for I shall not trouble it long. I shall only
reply to some particular matters. I shall not deal in
generals; we have too many of them already. Sir, I
have heard members of this house charge General
Harrison with cowardice whom he defended and
protected from the war knife and tomahawk of the
Indian when they were sleeping in their mother's
arms.
Mr. Speaker, I know something of General Har-
rison; and something of his history; and something
of his deeds. I know individuals who were with him
during the last war; who were with him in the battles
of the Thames, Fort Meigs, and Fort Stephenson.
I know, sir, that cannon balls, and chain shot, and
bomb shells, flew thick around him in these battles.
The gentleman from Clermont (Mr. Buchanan) said
that General Harrison was not, during the battle of
Fort Meigs, near enough to have the scales knocked
off. He was near enough to have scales and dirt
44 Reminiscences of the
knocked on him by cannon balls. [Who saw it?
asked some member.] I saw it, sir! I was in the
battle. I saw a cannon ball strike within two feet
of General Harrison during that fight. I was there.
I saw bomb shells and chain shot flying all around
him. I speak what I know, and what my eyes have
seen. General Harrison is not a coward; and those
who call him coward know nothing of him. He was
a brave, prudent, and fearless general. He took the
right course during the last war; he acted a noble
part, and his country has honored him for it. Ask the
soldiers who fought by his side; whose arms were
nerved by his presence; whose hearts were cheered
by his valor; and who were led to triumph and to
victory by his courage, and bravery, and skill, if Gen-
eral Harrison was a coward; and they, sir, will tell
you no!
Sir, I have done; I only wished to give my testi-
mony in favor of General Harrison, and to state what 1
have seen, in opposition to the statements of those who
are ignorant of his character, and who know nothing
of his bravery and skill.
OHIO STATE CONVENTION.
THE MONSTER GATHERING OF THE CLANS OF OHIO.
THE PEOPLE PARADE WITH LOG CABINS, HARD
CIDER AND COONS.
"The great twenty-second is coming.
And the Vanjacks begin to look blue,
They know there's no chance for poor Matty,
If we'll stick to Old Tippecanoe,
If we'll stick to Old Tippecanoe/'
On Friday, the 2ist of February, 1840, the peo-
ple of Ohio met in convention in the open air, at the
corner of High and Broad streets, in Columbus, a*nd
James Wilson, the veteran editor, of Jefferson county,
called the vast concourse to order. The convention
Political Campaign of 1840. 4^
was then and there fully organized by appointing the
following persons officers:
President: Gen. Reasin Beall, of Wayne county.
Vice-presidents: first district, Charles S. Clarkson,
of Hamilton county; second district, William Carr,
of Butler county; third district, Aurora Spofford, of
Wood county; fourth district, Isaiah Morris, of Clinton
county; fifth district, Thomas L. Shields, of Clermont
county; sixth district, John C. Bestow, of Meigs
county; seventh district, John Crouse, Sr., of Ross
county; eighth district, Forest Meeker, of Delaware
county; ninth district, George Sanderson, of Fairfield
county; tenth district, Charles Anthony, of Clark
county; eleventh district, Solomon Bentley, ofBelmont
county; twelfth district, David Chambers, of Mus-
kingum county; thirteenth district, Daniel S. Norton,
of Knox county; fourteenth district, Eleutheros Cooke,
of Erie county; fifteenth district, Frederick Wadsworth,
of Portage county; sixteenth district, Storm Rosa, of
Geauga county: seventeenth district, Joseph Mause,
of Columbiana county; eighteenth district, Solomon
Markham, of Stark county; nineteenth district, Hugli
Downing, of Jefferson county.
Secretaries: Chauncey Dewey, of Harrison; Robert
Buchanan, of Hamilton; Thomas M. Kelley of Cuya-
hoga; James Watson Riley, of Mercer; Smithson E.
Wright, of Franklin; William B. Thrall, of Pickaway;
William M. Neeley, of Belmont; James M. Mason, of
Monroe.
On taking the chair, General Beall delivered an ani-
mating address referring to the services of General
Harrison and himself under Gen. Anthony Wayne,
and to the later events in the active, varied and useful
life of his old companion in arms. The assemblage
was enthusiastic and uproarious in applause of the old
soldier, whose seventy-one years had not impaired his
vigor or patriotism. Hon. Richard Douglass, of Ross,
offered resolutions as to appointment of various com-
mittees on business, which were adopted. Hon.
Thomas Ewing, of Fairfield, Gen. Win. S. Murphy, of
Ross, and others, ably addressed the people, and the
46 Reminiscences of the
body then adjourned until Saturday morning at 10
o'clock. The great 22d came, and the rain poured
down in torrents during the entire meeting and the
march of the procession. There was, in fact, no inter-
mission. Gen. Charles Anthony, one of the vice-presi-
dents, took the chair, and Nehemiah Allen, from a
committee of ten from each Congressional district,
presented a report recommending Hon. Thomas Cor-
win, of Warren county, for governor. General An-
thony and others spoke in favor of the report, and
Thomas Corwin was unanimously nominated.
Gen. Allen Trimble presented from the committee
the names for an electoral ticket, and the following
were chosen by acclamation, viz:
Senatorial electors: William R. Putnam, of Wash-
ington county; Reasin Beall, of Wayne county.
District electors: First district, Alexander Mahew,
of Hamilton county; second district, Henry Harter,
Preble county; third district, Aurora Spofford,
Wood county; fourth district, Joshua Collett, Warren
county; fifth district, Abram Wiley, Clermont county;
sixth district, Samuel F. Vinton, Gallia county; seventh
district, John J. Van Meter, Pike county; eighth
district, Aquilla Toland, Madison county; ninth dis-
trict, Perley B. Johnson, Morgan county; tenth dis-
trict, John Dukes, Hancock county; eleventh dis-
trict, Otho Brashear, Guernsey county; twelfth district,
James Raguet, Muskingum county; thirteenth district,
Christopher S. Miller, Coshocton county; fourteenth
district, David King, Medina county; fifteenth district,
Storm Rosa, Geauga county; sixteenth district, John
Batty, Carroll county; seventeenth district, John
Carey, Crawford county; eighteenth ^district, John
Augustine, Stark county; nineteenth district, John
Jamison, Harrison county.
Resolutions in favor of Harrison and Tyler and
retrenchments and reform were presented from the
committee by Judge John C. Wright, of Hamilton,
Hon. Alfred Kelley, of Franklin, and Hon. Hiram
Griswold, of Stark. They contained a terrible arraign-
ment of the British party in power, the corruption
Political Campaign of 1840. 47
and profligacy of the office-holders, etc. Upon the
question of contributions they declared that, if it be
the interest of the office-holders to appropriate any
portion of their salaries to electioneering purposes,
with a view to sustaining those from whom they hold
appointments and themselves in office (as proved
to be the case with the custom-house officers in New
York), it is conclusive evidence that those salaries are
too high, and should be reduced. They declared in
favor of a change of the entire administration and of
governmental policy. They were opposed to the one-
man power and in favor of the people ruling. Thev
were for protecting the mechanical and manufacturing
and laboring interests of America, and the poor
people, wherever they might be, in the country.
Harrison, the log-cabin candidate, was the representa-
tive of the hardy yeomanry, and they would rally
around his standard. They declared for him as the
representative of the one-term principle, because no
one man should be elected President of the United
States for two terms in succession, and Martin Van
Buren least of all!
Resolutions of this character were carried with
a whoop.
General Murphy offered a resolution, recommending
to the Whig young men of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana,
Illinois, Michigan, Western New York, Pennsylvania
and Virginia, to celebrate the next anniversary of the
raising of the siege of Fort Meigs, in June, 1813, on
the ground occupied by the fort. It was unanimously
adopted.
Charles Borland, of Fairfield, moved that it be rec-
ommended to the voters to organize Harrison and re-
form clubs in each and every county of the State.
Carried by acclamation.
The following central committee was appointed, to-
wit: Alfred Kelley, Joseph Ridgeway, Sr., John W.
Andrews, Robert Neil, John L. Miner, Francis Stew-
art, Lewis Heyl, Dr. Miller and Lyne Starling, Jr.
The condensation of the business of the convention
as relating to organization having been given, a brief
48 Reminiscences of t/ie
sketching of the incidents will enable the reader to judge
of the temper and spirit of the occasion. When, simul-
taneously from all directions, on the 2ist, immense
delegations came together on High street, at the corner
of Broad, and the Newark band played the Marseillaise
hymn, and more than twenty bands in the long lines
joined in, the crowd became fairly wild with yells and
shouts. More than one thousand men came in pro-
cession from Ross, Pike and Jackson counties. By
wagons and carriages, on canal boats, on horseback
and on foot, thousands upon thousands poured into the
streets, and thronged hotels and boarding-houses, and
filled the hundreds of dwellings whose "latch-strings
hung out." and over whose doors were the words,
'•Welcome to all."
The grand procession on the 22d surpassed in en-
thusiasm anything ever before or since in the history
of Ohio. The people had been gathering from Thurs-
day morning, and from all the counties of the State
they had come together.
And to think that then the only easy conveyance
was by canal. On the boats of the "raging canaul"
over seven hundred men came from Ross and
Pickaway. By the next best way, the National road,
came the hosts from Madison, Clark, Greene, Cham-
pagne, Montgomery, Preble and the West, with their
log cabins and canoes on wheels; while from the East
came over that road the hardy men of Belmont, Jeffer-
son, Guernsey, Muskingum and other counties with
cabins and canoes and banners flying with the names
of "Old Licking" and other counties emblazoned on
their folds. From the North the Western Reserve
sent a horde of live Yankees, who were joined upon
the way by hundreds from the counties they crossed,
and the whole country through which the Cuyahoga
brig passed resounded with the songs for Old Tippe-
canoe. And, O! what a joyful scene it was when
they met their brethren from the Darby plains and
Highland and Fayette and Brown and Clermont and
the southern counties! What a sight, when the farmers
and pioneers, the mechanics and laborers mingle to-
Political Campaign of 1840. ' 49
gether in the streets of the State's Capitol. From the
banks of the Scioto and the Miami and Mad riv-
ers, and Muskingum and Licking and Killbuck and
Jellosvay and Hockhocking and Kokosing and Mau-
mee and every river and creek between Lake Erie and
the Ohio, every log cabin seemed to have contributed
its stalwart Buckeye boys to make the great crowd to
set "the ball a rolling on for Tippecanoe and Tyler
too." They had come from the hill tops, and had
come from the valleys to this grandest of all grand
rallies, and the like of that enormous procession of the
people never had been seen in the hundred years
of Ohio's history or in all the nation's existence.
It was an army with banners moving through streets,
whose walls were hung with flags, streamers and
decorations in honor of a brave old patriot and
pioneer, who had given the best strength and years
of his life to protecting the poor men, women and
children on the frontiers, and who had settled down
in a" log cabin to spend his days as a humble fanner
at North Bend; and when the people had called upon
him in his retiracy to serve them, had been villified,
slandered and traduced by the office-holders and a
pensioned press.
Every banner and device and emblem spoke out in
rebuke and expressed the honest indignation of the
people of Ohio. The log cabins spoke in language
not to be misunderstood, and as the citizens marched
in the mud over shoe tops, and with clothes drenching
with rain, the people felt the loud beat of the pulse
of victory. To the music of the drum and fife, brave
Ohio soldiers, proud of the military services of Gen-
eral Harrison, kept time, as they lead in the procession
with the stars and stripes unfurled. There were
the Zanesville Guards, commanded by Captain Dtilty,
50 rank and file; The Putnam Grays, Captain Hatch,
71 strong; The Warren Greens (Zanesville Rifles),
Captain Hazlett, in one battalion under Colonel Curtis,
accompanied by Brigadier General Watkins, of Zanes-
ville, and his staff: The Jefferson Guards, Captain
Hare; Columbus Guards, Captain Mills; Buckeye
ejO Reminiscences of the
Rangers, Captain Elaine; German Guards, Captain
Frankenberg, all under Colonel Sanderson, accom-
panied by the field and staff officers of the Columbus
brigade.
Then comes Lewis Bowyer, of Miami county, over
eighty years of -age, riding on a white horse with a
banner inscribed, "The Last of the Life Guards of
General Washington," and leading another white
horse, on which was a standard to the saddle with the
inscription, "The Saddle on which the Illustrious
Father of his Country Rode when Leading his Coun-
trymen to Battle;" and following them are a number
of old soldiers of the Revolution. What an inspira-
tion! What a thrill pervades the beholders! Then
follows in the procession an ensign with a beautiful
banner, on which is painted a life-like picture of the
Fanner of North Bend, with his plow and team
halted midway in the furrow, regaling himself with a
cup of his favorite hard cider. Shouts upon shouts
go up as it passes through the crowd.
Then comes the Cuyahoga delegation of eighty men
with a full-sized brig on wheels, completely rigged
and manned, with colors flying and Harrison's por-
trait at the masthead, with one hand holding a plow
and his hat in the other ; resting underneath the le-
gend, "The Farmer of North Bend." In the brig
with the crew are William B. Lloyd, the bold and
fearless representative of old Cuyahoga, John A.
Briggs, the eloquent tariff advocate, and other as
gallant tars as ever walked a deck. In the log cabin
of the Mad river trappers behold Charley Anthony
and others of "Old Tip's boys," eating corn bread and
bacon, while coons run around the cabin roof and the
fox, wolf, bear and deer skins, guns and axes, and
barrels of hard cider are also visible. Shortly after
there comes in sight Colonel Icil's large canoe drawn
by eight beautiful gray horses, with a banner inscribed
"Old Tippecanoe Forever," which calls forth loud
cheers, while young Robert Neil beats the drum and
the band plays and sings a campaign song. Another
log canin comes in for cheering, 'drawn by six bright
Political Campaign of 1840. 51
bay horses and having a large picture of General Har-
rison drawing a gourd full of hard cider from a barrel
and handing it to an old soldier.
Upon other banners in the procession are the in-
scriptions "The Log Cabin and Hard Cider Candidate";
"Hail Columbia and Harrison"; "He Never Yet
Lost a Battle." The company with brooms on their
shoulders and the motto, "We'll Cleanse the Augean
Stable," attracts much notice. And there, too, is the
old tin pan with the bottom knocked out, and in
mourning because its glory has departed. And how
the shouts go up at the long line of horsemen from
"Old Knox" with the Owl creek canoe, and the big
cavalcade from "Old Licking" and "Muskingum" and
"Coshocton," with a steamboat under full head of steam
and a "Harrison and Reform" banner flying.
Then comes the caricature exciting much laughter,
of "The Sam Medary and the Quasi Quires" gouged
out of the State's reams. The New York delega-
tion, headed by Cols. E. A. Sevier and Babcock,
with its beautiful flag and its tall pole, on the top of
which is Jove's bird — a live American eagle. The
ladies all along the line from windows and galleries
and house tops greeted the men who marched in the
mud and rain, with waving of handkerchiefs and
cheers, and the soldiers of Tippecanoe felt their smiles
and plaudits were a fitting recompense for what they
endured. In platoons of eight they braved the storm
and tempest regardless of health, and many of them
without overcoats or other sufficient covering. As an
illustration we may mention, that in the Knox delega-
tion with G. B. Burr, G. A. Jones, Gen. William
Bevans, R. C. Hurd, the Curtises, Daniel S. Norton
and others, there was tramping in the mud and rain
the venerable Judge Jesse B. Thomas, the distin-
guished ex-United States Senator from Illinois, who
was the author of the Missouri Compromise, and he
had raised his umbrella; when his attention was called
to the fact that there was no other to be seen, he
pitched it in the street and continued as a boy in the
line, notwithstanding he had risen from his bed, where
52 Reminiscences of the
he had been confined for weeks with rheumatism.
So deeply enthused were all that they lost sight
of their ailments and became oblivious to ague, rheu-
matism, gout, neuralgia and other ills in their zeal for
Harrison, while cheerily they rang out the song:
"The times are bad and want curing,
They are getting past all endifring;
So let's turn out Martin Van Buren
And put in Old Tippecanoe !"
Men sang whenever had been known to sing before,
and many became noted as vocalists and orators who
were surprised to know their own abilities. Grand
us the pageant of the day parade the brilliancy of the
illumination and the grandeur of the scenes at night sur-
passed it when the discharge of oratory by Douglass
and Cooke and Andrews and Norton and Allen and
Goddard and Lloyd and Murphy and Mathiot and
others, fired the hearts and aroused the enthusiasm of
the masses. The Buckeye Blacksmith and the pool-
Welch laborer on the canal, Sam White, like meteors
shot athwart the sky, and astonished by their bright-
ness themselves as well as the vast multitude. It was
a general ground-swell, an upheaval that carried
consternation into the ranks of the administration
forces.
The great 22d convention electrified the nation. It
started a new epoch, and began a revolution that no
human power could check, no combination of parties
could control. The people were in it; they made it
apparent to unbelievers, infidels and heathen through-
out the world that "the voice of the people is the voice
of God."
Feeling the inability of our descriptive power to
convey sufficiently an idea of the opening of the cam-
paign by this convention, we avail ourselves of a
letter written at the time by a staid young gentleman
from New England, who came West to grow up with
Ohio, and has since become widely known as a lawyer
and statesman, the Hon. Aaron F. Perry, late member
of Congress from Cincinnati. He endeavors to give
Political Campaign of 1840. 53
to the Yankees through the columns of the Boston
Atlas, a knowledge of the way things were moving
in the land of old Tippecanoe:
Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 24, 1840.
The Ohio State convention of the friends of Har-
rison and Tyler came off here on the twenty-first and
twenty-second. There was probably never before so
great a turn out, such unanimity of thought, such uni-
versal enthusiasm at any political meeting in the
United States. In giving a description there is no
danger of exaggeration. You must bear in mind that
Columbus is near the center of the State, from one
hundred to one hundred and seventy-five miles from
either boundary: that the weather was in transition
from winter to spring; that the roads were all mud,
deep mud, nothing but interminable unmitigated mud;
that money was hard to be got for any purpose; that
Harrison has been derided as the u log-cabin candi-
date," fond of "hard cider," and so forth. On the
morning previous to the first day of the convention it
began steadily to rain, and the people began to come
in by delegations. The hotels were all filled by 10
o'clock in the forenoon. Soon crowds collected along
the streets and about the public houses. You could
hear occasional exclamations, " Old Tip," "Whoop,"
"Ho," "Harrison and Tyler," "For one term only!"
As the delegates came in, soaked with rain and covered
with mud one after another, the city becomes noisy
and clamorous. They pass through High street in
procession — each after its own band of music — recog-
nizing continual shouts of welcome bv the waving of
hats, flagg and handkerchiefs. Before night a con-
course had collected larger than was ever before
assembled in Ohio; and yet the'day for the convention
had not come, and many of .the largest delegations
had not arrived. Still it rained. Still on came the
people with music, with banners and with shoutings.
A short time before sunset the clouds were sud-
denly broken up and rolled together • in masses
and driven by a brisk wind out of sight. An advance
guard of the city rangers patrolled the streets with
54 Reminiscences of the
martial music. Their rifle barrels glistened with
dazzling brightness as they were struck aslant by the
rays of the setting sun. The mind of the throng
seemed to revert all as one to the time when the bay-
onets of the Northwestern army under Harrison
were seen to glitter along the defiles of the Ohio
forests. • And such was the general enthusiasm that
this little incident, simple as it was, called forth from
one end of Columbus to the other, a long, loud and
deafening "Whoo-oo-oo-o-ra-aa-ah for old Tippeca-
noe!" At night the doors of the citizens were thrown
open, straw beds, mattresses and even naked floors
were put in requisition. Some slept, some told anec-
dotes, some made speeches and some sung songs.
At break of day, on the morning of the twenty-first,
one of our best bands rode around the city, and filled
the air with animating music. During the night several
strips of canvas had been suspended from the house
tops across High street, on which were painted in
large letters "Harrison and Tyler" for one term only —
"Union for the ""sake of the Union." Soon shouts
were heard again. Delegations pour in afresh from
two to three and even up to eight hundred persons at a
time. Every neighborhood of farmers, every village
of mechanics seemed to have racked their ingenuity to
invent rare and expressive devices.
One delegation came armed with brooms, signifying
that the next election shall be made a sweeping
operation. Others bore full-length pictures of General
Harrison following his plow. One delegation bore
aloft upon a Buckeye pole a live eagle, that looked
around and received the plaudits of the multitude with
abundant camplacency. Several counties brought in
each a log canoe, fixed upon wheels, to answer the
purposes of a wagon, with various mottoes upon the
sides, and upon their horses' blinds were printed "Old
Tip." From one direction comes a steamboat, com-
plete in all its parts, fixed upon wheels, loaded with
people and drawn by four horses tandem. The
paddles are made to revolve with a crank, the steam
rises in pufFs from the pipe, each wheel-house bears
Political Campaign of JSJfO. 55
the name of " Harrison and Tyler." From another
direction comes a model of Fort Meigs, mounted
with small brass cannon, drawn by six horses and
large enough for twenty or thirty men to ride in. From
Cleveland, a distance of 145 miles, comes a brig,
mounted on wheels and drawn by six horses, manned
with delegates in sailor caps, with sails all set and
streamers flying, followed by half a mile of carriages
and curricles of all descriptions. The brig is called
"William Henry Harrison." Upon its sails is seen
in large characters, "Live Credit," "Flourish Com-
merce," " Don't Give Up the Ship." Yonder comes a
real, bona fide log cabin ! See the raccoon-skins hanging
out upon its sides. Upon the door is written with
charcoal, in awkward characters, "Hard Cider." It is
rilled with men in hunting shirts, eating corn-bread,
and as many of the same description as can sit on the
roof or hang upon it in any way, are singing rude
songs in praise of the " Log Cabin Candidate," "Old
Tippecanoe." It has been drawn on wheels through
the mud a distance of 40 or ^o miles, and now passes
through the throng in triumph, while shouts redouble
upon shouts and cheers upon cheers. There is still
another log cabin, brought from a different county,
and similar in appearance; also a board cabin purport-
ing to be occupied by " Mad River Trappers." These
are only a few of the most curious and prominent
devices. Countless numbers of others might be men-
tioned. Among the rest, an old "Tin Pan" stuck
upon a pole, with the bottom torn nearly out, the
seams ripped open and dressed in black crape, deserves
to be noticed. The Van Buren part of the Ohio legis-
lature are in the habit of deliberating upon their
measures in secret ere theybring them before the pub-
lic. This caucus operation has by some means come
to be known all over the State as the "Tin Pan."
The tin pan upon the pole is intended to foretell the
fate of the legislative " Tin Pan." But you can jio
longer think of particulars. All is one dense, enthu-
siastic mass of human bodies. On either hand, so far
as the eye can extend, the streets are filled with
56 Reminiscences of the
flags, pictures and all sorts of signs and symbols.
Still they thicken, still on they come. Windows are all
thrown up and filled with ladies, who join in the excite-
ment and wave their white handkerchiefs to the
crowd. The roofs of the public buildings are also
filled with spectators, who swing their hats and shout.
On the night of the 2ist it commenced raining, and
continued incessantly till the evening of the 22d. Yet
nobody seemed to heed it. A procession was formed
on the morning of the 22d of all the delegations, and
marched through the principal streets of the city, ac-
companied with the log cabins, brig, fort, steamboat,
canoes, bands of music and all the badges, banners,
insignia and paraphernalia that had been brought
together from all over the State.
It might be supposed that men who had conic
through the mud from 100 to 150 miles, with forts,
log cabins, and the like, on wTheels, and who had
been huzza'd from one end of their journey to the
other, would, when they met so many others in the
same spirit and condition as themselves, huzza also.
But let me describe a different individual, and let him
represent a class. He is a business man, or a scholar,
a reader of ancient history, a gentleman — a philoso-
pher in fact, he is a Whig — to be sure. But he says
to himself, shouts convince nobody, shouts are not
intellectual. He will do his business quietly, and go
home as he came, in some decent and comfortable
conveyance. You will not catch him in any sort of a
flare-up — not he! But watch him as the delegates
pass by. mass after mass. All are drenched with
rain and covered with mud. Yet the white handker-
chiefs of the ladies are seen waving from the windows.
Yet t shouts come down from the house-tops to meet
the shouts that rise from below. Your philosopher
gets excited, talks louder than usual, runs to and fro
in the rain, and avers that mud is not a thing to be re-
gar.ded at such a time. Yonder goes a beautiful white
horse; on him are the empty military saddle and trap-
pings of General Washington, which have been
sent to the convention by a niece of Washington,
J^olitical Campaign of 1840. 57
who resides at Marietta. The horse is led by an old
soldier of Washington's body guard, mounted upon
another horse, and followed by a number of old men
of the Revolution, who gaze upon the vacant saddle
of their dead Chief, and then turn to the picture of
Harrison, cast their eyes over the multitude and give
a shout for u Old Tippecanoe." Will not our philoso-
pher join them? Look at him! There he stands over
shoes in mud. He is no longer silent. His arms are
thrown back, his face upturned, his eyes shut, and he
strains every muscle in shouts, as if it were a perfect
business transaction. No one does it with such unction
as your philosopher, and being a man of moral cour-
age, he not only shouts when the rest do, but breaks
forth occasionally alone, to show that he does it as a
matter of principle.
In short, all classes and conditions in life, learned
and unlearned, rich and poor, gentle and simple,
seemed to remember for once that their interests were
the same. All were covered with mud alike, all were
zealous, all shouted. Cast your eye along the street,
and you will see at one glance one hundred flags all
bearing for a motto "The People are Coming!''
Again you will see written upon wagon boxes, upon
kegs, upon squares of cloth fixed upon staves, " Hard
Cider." There is Harrison on his war-horse, Harrison
at his plow, Harrison in the Cabinet. You will see
floating over the multitude, in twenty different direc-
tions, "The People Must Do Their Own Voting."
Several beautiful military companies are marching
and parading every way. Twenty bands of music are
emulating each other in the vivacity and stateliness
of their music. Still it rains. Still you see nothing
but smiles, you hear nothing but assurance of ap-
proaching victory.
If anything can be judged from the appearance of
the convention and the universal opinion of delegates,
Harrison and Tyler will carry the State almost by
acclamation. The number assembled could not have
been far from 20,000 persons. The nominations, which
you will see in the newspapers, were made with the
58 Reminiscences of the
utmost unanimity, and all went away amid cheers
and shouts, joyful and enthusiastic as when they
came.
Columbus, Ohio, April 17.
The most sanguine friends of Harrison did not know
what a tower of strength his name would be. No one
who has not seen the ebullitions of popular enthu-
siasm in this part of the country in his behalf, would
b$ likely to believe a -tithe of what is really taking
place almost every day among us. I speak only of
what I see in and about this city, for I do not take an
active part in the strife myself; but I am told and be-
lieve that the same spirit prevails throughout the State
and country. The whole bosom of the mighty West
is literally heaving with emotions of gratitude and love
for the modest but gallant old farmer of North Bend.
It is not the temporary and evanescent glory of mili-
tary achievements playing upon the passions of the
multitude and misleading the understanding of the
people. It is not merely the fellowship which the
laboring class feel for a man who has always been
more watchful of their interests than of his own, and
who from offices of honor and emolument has volun-
tarily retired to take them by the hand and become
one among them. It is because they revere him as a
man and a patriot, because they do not doubt his fit-
ness for the Presidency, and because they know him
to be honest. Every slander upon his name has been
made to return and "plague the inventor," and every
new attack serves to bring out the proof of some noble
and generous achievement, which from his long re-
tirement had been partially forgotten. ' Add to these
motives the general distress which some cause or other
has brought upon all classes and interests of the country,
and you can see why it is that here, at least, politics
have become the serious and absorbing business of all
classes of people; Last year the Whigs found diffi-
culty to get men to serve upon committees and to as-
semble for meetings. Now meetings spring up -spon-
taneously and continually, and almost every Whig con-
siders himself a committee of vigilance to do anything
Political Campaign of 1840. 59
and everything that men may honorably do to dissemi-
nate correct principles. Even the women and chil-
dren have caught the spirit of revolution, and are
lending their influence to animate and quicken those
around them. Since the great convention I was con-
versing with a young lady, who inquired if I joined the
procession and marched through the mud and rain
with the multitude on that occasion. I told her I con-
sidered myself happy in being allowed to remain snuglv
in my office. "Then you are not a good Whig!" said
a little girl of seven or eight years by her side with an
air of astonishment and rebuke. She was so much
abashed at her own boldness that she immediately -hid
her face in her hands, thinking she had done some-
thing wrong. I believe the children watch each other's
politics as closely as the elders. To-day the friends of
Harrison erected a log cabin in this city for political
meetings, and the national flag will henceforth be seen
flying over it in mid air during the campaign. The
labor was mostly done by farming people from the
country. For two weeks past they have been col-
lecting and drawing logs for the cabin, appropriating
particular days for the purpose, when they would
form a procession with their teams, each bearing a flag
and all uniting in some of the numerous Harrison songs
with which the country is flooded. " It was Harrison
that fought for the cabins long ago," is a favorite line
with them, and they have sung it through the streets
till no onefin Columbus will be likely to forget it.
During the past week one of the Van Buren State
central committee publicly announced his intention to
vote for Harrison. The same man was the last candi-
"date of the Van Buren party in this district for Con-
gress. Indeed, there is every appearance of a radical
and thoroughgoing revolution of popular opinion. I
see many things to remind me of what I have been
told by old people was the state of public feeling in
Massachusetts at the opening of the Revolutionary
war. The Whigs have adopted means in this county to
circulate their papers and other matters independent
of the post-office, and it is proposed to organize in-
60 Reminiscences of the
dependent post routes through the State. Thus you
may see that the ball of the revolution, though it trun-
dled slowly at first, has now acquired a velocity that
cannot be checked, and goes rolling, booming, thun-
dering on.
Ohio expects a good deal from Massachusetts. We
remember that " the bones of her sons, falling in the
great struggle for independence, lie mouldering in
every soil from Maine to Georgia." We look with
reverence to the exalted patriotism of Davis, and we
acknowledge with feelings of national pride the un-
rivaled genius of Webster. Massachusetts, with her
numbers of great and good men, with her common
schools and her churches and colleges, must give
something more than a mere majority for correct prin-
ciples. Massachusetts yielded her pretensions to the
right of furnishing a commander-in-chief to the Amer-
ican armies in the war of Independence, and her
complaisance was rewarded by the glorious career
of Washington; she has now also yielded her prefer-
red, her favorite and well worthy candidate for
the Presidency. Should Harrison be elected, 1 firmly
believe the wisdom of his administration will as far
transcend the expectations of his friends at the North-
ern and Eastern States as the success and greatness
of Washington transcended the expectations of his
friends.
I have mentioned a few of the signs of the times;
what the result may be you can judge as well as my-
self. I may mention further. Grain sells for a very
low price; labor commands but little more than half
the wages it did a year ago. And the mass of the peo-
ple who make up the bulk of the Van Buren party
begin seriously to think there is something wrong in
the administration of the Government; they are read-
ing, inquiring and coming over to Harrison in great
numbers. I will not pretend to estimate the majority
Ohio will give, but from what I see daily I shall be
astonished at nothing. No Whig has any more doubt
of some majority than he has of any future event what-
ever, and the feeling is that it must be a very large ma-
Political Campaign of 1840. 61
jority. The powers of the Government are busy in
trying to check the progress of reform; but judging
from what I see, I should suppose they might as well
attempt to suppress an earthquake or stay the progress
of a deluge, as to turn back or stay the tide of opinion
which seems to have rent old party combinations
asunder, and to be rushing on with accumulated force
and sweeping everything away before it.
* * P.
JUDGE HANSON'S SPEECH.
WORDS OF WELCOME TO THE WHIG YOUNG MEN
OF THE NATION AT THE CONVENTION IN BAL-
TIMORE, APRIL 10, 1840.
It has become apparent to the great bulk of the
American people that the present administration of
their Government is not fitted to increase or preserve
the blessings and privileges of a free and intelligent
nation; to foster the pursuits of a laborious, inventive
and spirited population; that it is not in accord-
ance with the genius, past history, or future desti-
nies of a vast republican empire; that its principles
and measures are as ill-calculated to consolidate the
credit, strength and resources of State sovereignties
as they are to bind together and cement a confedera-
tion; that it has failed to engender or keep alive a ven-
eration for the Constitution, or to cherish an unalien-
able love for the Union; that it has, on the contrary,
by incessant and unrelenting assaults upon capital,
good faith and enterprise, disunited the interest, and
thereby torn asunder the good feelings which bind
men to each other; that it has destroyed that salutary
confidence which is essential to this commonwealth
and all the communities that compose it; that it
62 Reminiscences of the
has, in fine, chilled the hearts and the hopes of the
poor and shut the hands of the rich. It is, there-
fore, that we hail the approaching Whig national
convention, to be held in the city of Baltimore on
the 4th day of May next, as an unerring harbinger
to the coming of better things; that we greet the
numerical power (composed as it is of all classes)
and to which the intelligence from every quarter daily
adds rank to rank, and squadron to squadron as a per-
fect manifestation of the thorough and sweeping
change in the conduct of public affairs resolved upon
by the people. We rejoice that our fellow-citizens
(since what is passed cannot be recalled) are so far
benefited by present suffering as to be awakened to a
sense of impending evils more serious and calamitous,
and of which few can fail to perceive " the inevitable
ruin." Surely, our administration presents us to the
whole world as a nation of contrarieties and contra-
dictions; we are held up to other nations in every
fantastic and antagonistic position that a people can
be regarded; our principles and our practice are per-
fect antipodes to each other; theories, abstractions,
solecisms and paradoxes, make up the sum of our
political economy; while political empirics have
driven from their moorings the once fast-anchored
axioms of the Constitution — a Constitution to which
Washington had affixed his seal and given verity by
experience.
Our perversions and absurdities, indeed, almost afford
plausibility to the assertion of the ancient philosopher,
that there once existed a race of men of a conformation
entirely different from those of our generation; and
who shall undertake to deny the possibility that, at
some distant era, when history shall again be handed
down by allegory and tradition, a people who are per-
petually moving one way and looking another shall
not be represented as a race of men who carried their
faces behind them and turned their backs upon them-
selves ? So singular is the incongruity between our
words and our actions that no disinterested spectators,
even of the present age, can fail to be struck with
Political Campaign of 1840. 63
amazement by professions constantly at variance with
conduct; with results diametricall} opposite to those
professed to be intended; and of causes stimulating
effects, between the beginning and end of which no
connecting consequences ever existed. Vain, how-
ever, would be the attempt to enumerate all the incon-
sistency of those who deal with the obliquity of partisan
tacticians, instead of applying the established principles
of statesmen.
The poor man is to be enriched by reducing the
wages of labor; the rich are to be impoverished by
the hoarding of their gold; the products of the earth,
instead of being cultured by the sweat of the brow,
are to wither and die amidst idleness, hunger and des-
olation; all surplus produce is to rot in the granary of
the' farmer for the want of markets furnished by the
employments of artisans and laborers, fisheries, fac-
tories, work-shops, roads and canals; the condition of
the country is to be improved bv arresting all improve-
ment; debts are to be paid by the annihilation of prop-
erty. The interest on loans is to be discharged by
borrowing from the lenders of the capital; gold and
silver are to represent, instead of being represented,
by paper and credit; and whilst the precious metals
are promised in abundance they are again buried be-
neath the face of the earth in the vaults of banks — the
strong-boxes of avaricious thrift, or melted down for the
gold services of plate which adorns the Presidential
dinner table of the very republican nabob in the palace
at Washington.
Domestic productions are to be encouraged by boun-
ties upon foreign fabrics ; and whilst there is to be
abundance of poverty, to furnish plenty of rags, readily
converted into hieroglyphic shinplasters, and these are
to be the only manufactories, which are sure to flour-
ish, with or without a tariff; with or without foreign
use or domestic consumption ; unless indeed the
treasury notes of the Government should enter the
list as a competitor and thus clearly demonstrate the
financial ability of the head of the treasury, and with
the aid of Mr. Buchanan (be a capital Old Federalist),
64 Reminiscences of the
home markets are to be shut up, and all labor to be re-
warded at a penny a day, as in China and in Cuba.
Amidst these anomalies, all banks are to be put
down by the destruction of one, whilst in the place
of that one, thousands are to be erected and fostered,
by way of proving that none ought ever to have ex-
isted ; and whilst that one, consisting of three-fourths
of its capital of the hard earnings of husbands and
fathers, for the support of widows and children, is to
be crushed at all hazards, myriads are to start vcp'tvith
no capital at all, for the benefit of speculators and ad-
venturers, and thus the administration's sympathy for
the orphan and the aged soldier is to be illustrated, and
hard money only to be trusted in the hands of abscond-
ing sub-treasurers ; and if this war upon property,
upon the pursuits, business and enterprise of every
man and all classes of men, were not too much to be
endured, and too gross a fraud upon a sagacious and
thinking people, their morals, their religion, their ele-
mentary political creeds, coeval with their declaration
of independence, are all to be desecrated by absurdi-
ties, which have not even the "bad eminence" of
being compatible with themselves.
Truly the measures and the doctrines of this North-
ern man with Southern principles are sufficiently party
colored to denote that equivocation and paltering in a
double sense which none but a proficient in the black
arts of a magician in this age of reform could have the
temerity to practice. At one moment this Northern
man with southern principles, this harlequin, Proteus-
like diplomatist, holds out to the North General
Jackson's great proclamation, the force act, and the
second article of war, to-wit: that article, under which
the Prince of Nullifiers (now a repentant and par-
doned sinner) was to be hung up, drawn and quartered.
In the next, whilst in one breath he eulogizes in a
lovely song the Palmetto — he declares to the Unionist
of the South, that no colors are to be unfurled but the
colors of the Union; in another, he whispers to the
fanatic of amalgamation, with a word for Colonel
Dick, that all colors are alike, and that liberty knows
Political Campaign of 1840. 65
no distinction. But lo land behold, in one month, nay
not one month, we see him (or rather hear him) ready
to shed the last drop of his Northern blood in the sup-
port of southern principles, and in defense of the rights
of the slaveholder; of rights to which the Abolitionist
contends Christianity affords not the least shadow or
pretense of existence. Christianity! yes, these admin-
istration tergiversators have Christianity in their mouth;
that sort of Christianity which would expel from the
national councils the ministers of God; that Christianity
which would extend to the poor Indian its blessings
of civilization, by extermination and indiscriminate
murder; yes, the Christianity of those, who would, as
if there were not already more than enough of yelpers
at the Capital, augment the pack by the importation
of bloodhounds from Cuba; of bloodhounds to act the
part of a Christian army; of bloodhounds in the place
of holy missionaries; of bloodhounds, curs and mon-
grels, pampered upon the bread and substance of the
land, whilst the poor Revolutionary pensioner, with-
out whose heroic achievements (with Lafayette, not
bloodhounds, for an ally) this land would never have
been a land of liberty, are naked and starving for the
want of the miserable pittance, which is, at this mo-
ment, withheld from them; not in order that a "better
currency1' than rags should cover their nakedness and
stay their hunger, but that a "better currency" should
line the pockets of minions .and favorites, who would
never have earned it by honest industry. It seems,
however, that this importation of bloodhounds; this
stain upon the escutcheon of the nation is to be forever
obliterated; and how do you think, Mr. President and
gentlemen? Why, forsooth, lam told that it is asserted
(I know not upon what authority it is avouched) that
when an Indian shook his blanket at one of these
bloodhounds, he put his tail between his legs and ran
like a sub-treasurer. But we forbear; let there be no
acrimonious feelings, bitterness or wrath in. the midst
of the cheers and hopes that surround us. We are all
one people, and we trust that there is more of error
than of vice among us. We are ready to open our
5
66 Reminiscences of the
arms, and take to our bosoms every deluded son of our
country, and go hand in hand to the rescue. We see
the day not far distant, when those who infest the
palace, block up the avenues of the Senate, forestall
public opinion, waste their time and compromit their
honor and independence, in pursuit of office and emolu-
ment, may be reformed into better citizens and more
useful men.
The day of deliverance is approaching. The day
of our travail is come; the day when we may all rejoice
that the old petticoat granny, William Henry Harrison,
is at hand. We do, therefore, hail him as our deliverer;
we are not ashamed in our agony and dismay, to cry
out for his help; yes, the old petticoat General, Wil-
liam Henry Harrison, comes to our rescue. He comes,
the coward ! who in every battle was victorious; the
coward! who never turned his back upon the enemy
of his country; the coward! who in every conflict,
from Tippecanoe to the Thames, was seen " ' with
his beaver up,' to course along the lists scattering his
lightnings around ;"and whilst, in the hottest of the fight,
and in every post of danger, the fire of his eye gleamed
like a sword, and his own peculiar voice was heard
ringing in the ears of every soldier, those memorable
words, "Stand to your guns, my boys; never surren-
der," till not a foe was left upon the field. 'Tis he we
claim as our deliverer; the defaulter. We look to him;
yes, to him, William Henry Harrison, to restore the
perished credit and fill the exhausted and pillaged cof-
fers of the country. W^e look to him, William Henry
Harrison, the public robber, who retired from the office
poor and in debt, whilst he replenished and filled the
national treasury with millions of dollars, not one of
which ever stuck in his palm in passing through his
hands. It is to him, William Henry Harrison, the
oppressor of the poor, we turn, who was the ad-
viser, the friend, the father to every poor emigrant
who settled beyond the mountains; who was always
ready to take by the hand the poorest settler of the
meanest log cabin in the wilderness; it is to him that
we look once more for peace and plenty, for private
Political Campaign of 1840. 67
and national prosperity, for a restoration of all the
privileges and blessings of freemen ; in a word, we
look to him under the blessings of Providence for
the great consummation of public and private faith.
'Tis to such a deliverer we look; to "our old, well-
tried, weather-beaten, hard-cider, log-cabin, Tippeca-
noe." Not to such a deliverer as the Emperor Alexan-
der, of Russia; he the deliverer, who delivered kings,
emperors, and the whole continent of nations, into
the hands of the Holy Alliance; but we seek to be
delivered from an alliance, than which none was ever
more unholy, and from under the pressure of which no
people ever groaned more than we, the people of the
United States; 'tis to such a deliverer we look. And
if, in as mongrel a pack as was ever littered in a
kennel, there be not included in the deliverance a
pair of as notable twins as was ever engendered in the
cabinet of the kitchen, then, in the language1 of
the facetious old knight, "there is no skill in sur-
gery."
But let us no longer linger with the past, for the
time has come to give thanks and rejoice .Those
upon the lookout are proclaiming joyful tidings from
all around us. Land is once more in sight, and our
perils at an end. Too long have we been at sea,
without chart or compass. " tossed about by every
wind of doctrine ;" but the great swell of public
opinion is resetting ; the undertow of intrigue and
corruption is running out, sweeping along with it the
turbid feculence that polluted the land we trust to be
forever "in the dark ocean of oblivion buried"; the
rainbow of promise is again to be seen ; distempered
elements are everywhere dispersing, and the prow
of our bark once more points to the haven of safety.
With the memorable words of Harrison for our
motto, if we unfurl upon our banners, "Stand to your
guns, my boys, and never surrender," and inscribe upon
our ballots "The people must do their own voting
and their own fighting," then we hazard nothing in
the prediction that they will fill three-fourths of the
bullot-boxes in thecountry. Animated, then, by these
68 . Reminiscences of the
hopes, and toiling in one cause, there is every incen-
tive to greet our coming friends, to Maryland, at the
approaching national convention. We therefore hope
that our Whig fellow-citizens need only to be reminded
of the duty to extend the hand of good fellowship,
and open wide the door of hospitality throughout the
State, to the friends of him, the string of whose latch
was never pulled in when the stranger needed shelter;
and as it is expected that at the approaching celebra-
tion, the public houses of accommodation may not
be sufficient for the reception of all our numerous
visitors, we undertake to assure all those who may
honor us with their company of the shelter and com-
fort of at least our own roof-trees, and with as good
entertainment as ever log cabin and hard cider
afforded.
CHARLES OGLE'S SPEECH.
REMARKS OF MR. OGLE, OF PENNSYLVANIA, BE-
FORE THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL
l6, 1840, ON THE ClVIL AND DIPLOMATIC AP-
PROPRIATION BILL.
I am glad to see the committee becoming a little
patient; we were somewhat otherwise a few days ago.
This bill appropriates nine millions of the people's
money, and I have regretted to witness such exhibitions
of hot haste in many of the representatives of the peo-
ple, day in and day out, to force us to vote away mil-
lions without due examination. To my knowledge,
there never has been a bill before Congress which in-
volved so large an amount of money, except the ten
millions "Maine War" bill of the last session; and
we all knew that that money would never be spent.
But here is a bill appropriating nine millions of the
hard cash of mv constituents and vours, and yet in such
Political Campaign of 1840. 69
violent haste are some gentlemen to pass it, that we
must stay here all night for the purpose. For my part,
I tell gentlemen that I will stand out, night and day,
until I see the bottom of every dollar, before I will
permit the question to be taken. And if Representa-
tives go before their constituents with a different prin-
ciple, they will find they have got the wrong side of
the argument. The people will tell them, We love the
Representative who looks to our money, and sees that
it is expended on proper objects.
Ha've gentlemen ever tried the rule of division to as-
certain what the President has spent yearly, monthly,
weekly, daily, hourly, ay, sir, for each and every
minute since Martin Van Buren's inauguration on the
4th day of March, 1837. The actual expenditures, dur-
ing the first three years of his administration, have
reached the enormous sum of one hundred and eleven
million four hundred and six thousand nine hundred
and sixty-three dollars.
Average per year $37»J35'654 33
Average per month 3^094,637 86
Average per week 7H»J47 r7
Average per day 102,021 07
Average per hour 4,250 87
Average per minute 70 84
Let us compare and contrast these prodigious ex-
penditures with the disbursements made by all the
former Presidents since the adoption of the Constitu-
tion in 1789.
You will observe, sir, by the statement which I
here present, and which has been prepared with
great care, that the annual expenses of Martin Van
Buren's administration are greater by $6,538,325.66 than
the entire yearly disbursements of Presidents Washing-
ton, Adams, Jefferson and Madison, altogether. You
will also see that the yearly expenses of Martin Van
Buren's government have been more than one hundred
per cent, larger than Mr. Madison's, notwithstanding
the latter had been engaged in a most expensive war
of three years with the most powerful nation of the
world.
Reminiscences of the
5 - o.
Q
* W
8 s
I 3
<$ % *
M
ri
NO
CO
1 >
P? <•*•
»0
1*5
o
*
M
tr> f^ QQ
^ r '
1
^0
*
o"
M M
o eg 7
PO
s
ri
H
0
i 1
M NO co
0 n cc
^>
H
NO5
B
r* • >- 10
h4
^f*
^"
> K
CO" PC i-T
J^
^J*
^
o'
•< u
OH
*
ri
ri
HO
U! £
PO M »O
t^ PO >0
g
^
2
ft
< §
5 CO ^S
PO
^g
>-i
-t-
« £
>o co^ «_
Q
£4
NO
1 1
f
08
rT
10
co"
CL,
m.
5
-
q
!?
^ o^ oo
Zfj %?*• t/^
co
s-
CO
CO
CO
III W
^ 1^ OO
J^
to
CO
M
< £
M GO C^
to to to
g
ON
?
5 «
\C rf rf
>0
!>.
10
4-
"* a!
J S 3:
^
oo"
q
f
co"
CO i-> CO
8
ON
10
«
8
I!
CO to 00
«- d ?
ON 'o O
OO ^ fl
1
1
o
PO
M' M T(-
1
2
Sv
£
i
00 -*• 00
CO
CO
*
CO
-
o £
1
i
•» 5 c
•s 5 i
1
t
"O
fr
0
•
OH
•£ u
1 1 '1
§
<?
V)
o
rt
Political Campaign of 1840. 71
Yes, sir, Martin Van Buren has spent more than
seventy dollars for each and every minute since
he was sworn into the Presidential office. How often
has the clock ticked since that fatal hour? During
the four months of last year that he passed on his
electioneering tour in the State of New York, how
many times did the clock tick then ? The people's
hard dollars were going at the rate of $70 a minute,
while he was dancing with the Countess of Westmore-
land at Saratoga. That was dancing to a pretty dear
tune, but the people paid the piper.
Now the very best remedy which I can suggest
to prevent this profligate waste of the public money
will be to displace that lavish spendthrift, Martin Van
Buren, and to substitute in his stead, at the head of the
Government, that plain, frugal, economical, and well-
tried citizen, William Henry Harrison. I shall, there-
fore, proceed to make such further remarks in relation
to the conduct, principles, and public services of the
latter, and in regard to the conduct and principles of
the former, as may, in some degree, assist the people in
arriving at proper conclusions in the premises. I
will first turn to some of the evidences which exist
as to the favor in which Harrison has been held by the
country, both for his military and civil services. And
I will say in the outset, that there has no man lived,
since the days of Washington, who has drawn out
from his political enemies so strong a certificate of
character, as he has done. Could Jefferson, if he were
now alive, and a candidate for the Presidency, pro-
duce such testimony ?. You could call the Hon. James
Buchanan, who might tell you, what he had many
years ago declared, that during the administration of
that President, "our ships were laid up to rot, as mel-
ancholy monuments of the weak and wicked policy of
our Government" — and who could not find time in a
4th of July oration even "to enumerate all the other
wild and wicked projects of the Democratic admin-
istrations !" Could James Madison, if he were a can-
didate, produce such testimony ? You might call up
that plain, economical, hard-handed Democrat, Martin
72 Reminiscences of the
Van Buren, who would, without hesitation, testify
that, "according to the best of his knowledge and
belief, James Madison was1 either too imbecile in mind,
or too dishonest in principle, to be re-elected President
of the United States in 1812;" and that with the design
and settled purpose to prevent and defeat that re-elec-
tion, he (Martin Van Buren) had patriotically con-
spired and associated with the Essex Junto federalists,
and the men who subsequently devised and organized
the Hartford convention.
But what testimony has General Harrison in his
favor ? The first is the commission of George Wash-
ington. Brought up in revolutionary times "in the
days that tried men's souls" — his sire, one of the noble
signers of the Declaration of Independence — his guar-
dian, the able financier of the Continental Congress —
his friend and patron, the glorious chief who led the
armies of liberty to battle and to victory — George
Washington, Robert Morris, Benjamin Harrison —
what a brilliant association! It was among such men
that William Henry Harrison learnt his principles,
and it was under the command of the gallant and
impetuous General Anthony Wayne that he first put
those principles into practice. Let me read you, sir, a
short extract from the official account of the battle
on the banks of the Miami, on the 2Oth of August,
1794:
"The bravery and conduct of every officer belong-
ing to the army, from the General down to the En-
signs, merit my highest approbation. There were,
however, some whose rank and situation placed their
conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and
which I observed with pleasure and the most lively
gratitude; among whom I beg leave to mention Brig-
adier General Wilkinson and Colonel Hamtranck, the
commandants of the right and left wings of the
legion, whose brave example inspired the troops;
and to these I would add the names of my faithful and
gallant aides-de-camp, Captain DeButts, and T. Lewis,
and Lieutenant Harrison, who with the Adjutant Gen-
eral, Major Mill, rendered the most essential services
Political Campaign of 1840. 73
by communicating my orders in every direction, and
by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to
press for victory."
This battle of the Miami Rapids was fought with
the utmost desperation by the combined Indian and
British forces, which amounted to 2,000 combatants,
while the troops actually engaged against them " were
short of nine hundred." You have seen, sir, that
the commanding General, in an official dispatch, ex-
pressed his gratitude to Lieutenant Harrison for "ren-
dering the most essential services" during the engage-
ment. " Mad Anthony," as he was familiarly called
by Whigs of that day, was too bold and too brave a
soldier to award the meed of praise to a coward, and
possessed a soul too generous to withhold the tribute of
justice for deeds of valor done by his young hero and
aid-de-camp. By the way, as to General Wayne, let
me remark that he, like Harrison, was called "Granny"
by the British red-coats and their tory allies, during
the Revolution. At the battle of Stony Point, on the
night of the i5th of July, 1779, the bayonet was the
only weapon relied upon. The assailants, by the
order of Wayne, silently advanced with unloaded
muskets. Mad Anthony was the first to mount the
ramparts of the enemy. The captain of the British
guard inquired what that meant? It means " Granny
Wayne," said he, as he severed his head from his
shoulders. When did Martin Van Buren, who has
the audacity and meanness to call Harrison, through
his official organ a granny, receive the thanks of his
commanding general for ''rendering essential services"
on the battle-field? Under what chieftain did Martin
Van Buren win his military trophies? I well remem-
ber that, in the letter of this redou table champion
of the toilet, dated at London, February 24, 1832, he
assumed the air of a knight-errant, mounted his gold
epaulets, and blue and bufT, and strutted the hero,
while he recounted his valiant services in the army of
"Old Hickory." "To have served," said he, "under
such a chief, at such a time, and to have won his
confidence and esteem, is a sufficient glory; and of that,
74 Reminiscences of the
thank God, my enemies cannot deprive me." I would
inquire, sir, whether it was on the plains of New
Orleans, that Martin Van Buren performed those self-
glorifying, self-satisfying services? Was he an aid-de-
camp of " Old Hickory" at Talladega, or the Horse
Shoe? Why does he, as arrant a coward as was ever
cast in " Nature's mold," thus gasconade like another
Bobadil? Does this braggart plume himself for pro-
curing the dissolution of Old Hickory's first Cabinet,
through the influence of a female court favorite? Or
does he take credit to himself for the instructions he
gave as Secretary of State to Mr. McLane, our Minis-
ter at the Court of St. James, and on account of
which his own nomination to that court was subse-
quently rejected by the casting vote of the then Vice-
President, John C. Calhoun? I cannot forbear, on
this subject, to read three or four lines from the
Richmond Enquirer in relation to that rejection:
" Mr. Clay was aware of the keen and canine appe-
tite with which Mr. Calhoun was prepared to devour
his victim, and therefore insidiously continued to place
the banquet before him. With what eager delight he
seized upon it we have already seen."
Old Father Time, Mr. Chairman, makes sad havoc
of the consistency of poor mortals. Where is the "keen
and canine appetite" of Mr. Calhoun now? Surfeited,
satiated. Who is the "victim" now? I have known
men who, if they could not get the lion, would be well
content to take the skin. But let us return to the ex-
amination of the testimony to establish the distinguished
services which General Harrison has rendered the na-
tion. The legislature of Kentucky, on the yth of Jan-
uary, 1812,
Resolved, That in the late campaign against the In-
dians upon the Wabash, Gen. William Henry Harrison
has behaved like a hero, a patriot and a general; and
that for his cool, deliberate, skillful and gallant con-
duct in the battle of Tippecanoe, he well deserves the
warmest thanks of his country and the nation."
Pray, sir. on what occasion did Martin Van Buren,
whose "official organ" calls General Harrison a
Political Campaign of 18 Jfi. 75
"coward" and a "granny," ever behave like £ "hero"
and a "patriot?" On what field of honor and carnage did
he exhibit "cool," "deliberate," "skillful" and "gallant"
conduct? Why, sir, I have been told that on the very
same night on which Harrison and his brave com-
panions were engaged in deadly strife with the merci-
less savages at Tippecanoe, Martin Van Buren, per-
fumed like a milliner, and spruce as a popinjay, was
manifesting his gallantry and heroism by tripping "on
the light fantastic toe" through mazy French cotillions
in. a ball-room. For the truth of this fact, however, I
do not vouch, but I have heard it from a most respect-
able quarter, and place full reliance upon it myself.
In the legislature of Indiana, on the i9th of Novem-
ber, 1811, Gen. William Johnson, the speaker of the
house of representatives, thus addressed General Har-
rison:
"SiR: The house of representatives of the Indiana
Territory, in their own name, and in behalf of their
constituents, most cordially reciprocate the congratu-
lations of your excellency on the glorious result of the
late sanguinary conflict with the Shawnee Prophet
and the tribes of Indians confederated with him.
When we see displayed in behalf of our country, not
only the consummate abilities of the general, but the
heroism of the man, and when we take into view the
benefits which must result to that country from those
exertions, we cannot, for a moment, withhold our meed
of applause."
And yet Martin Van Buren's "official organ" has
the unblushing impudence to call the old veteran, who
has displayed the "consummate abilities of the gen-
eral" and "the heroism of the man," a "coward," a
"granny." and a "petticoat hero."
On the 4th of April, 1818, James Monroe, President
of the United States, approved a resolution, passed by
Congress, directing two gold medals to be struck and
presented to Maj. Gen. William Henry Harrison and
Gov. Isaac Shelby, "for their gallantry and good con-
duct in defeating the combined British and Indian
forces under Major-General Proctor, on the Thames
76 Reminiscences of the
in Upper Canada, on the 5th of October, 1813, captur-
ing the British army, with their baggage and artillery."
Still Martin Van Buren's "official organ" continues
to reiterate "coward" and "granny" and "petticoat
hero."
On the iSth of December, 1811, President Madison,
in a special message to Congress, said:
" While it is deeply lamented that so many valuable
lives have been lost in the action which took place on
the yth ultimo, Congress will see with satisfaction the
dauntless spirit of fortitude victoriously displayed by
every description of troops engaged, as well as the
collected firmness which distinguished their com-
mander on an occasion requiring the utmost exertions
of valor and discipline."
And again, in his message to Congress in Decem-
ber, 1813, Mr. Madison said:
"The success on]Lake Eriehaving opened a passage
to the territory of the enemy, the officer commanding
the Northwestern army transferred the war thither,
and, rapidly pursuing the hostile troops, fleeing with
their savage associates, forced a general action, which
quickly terminated in the capture of the British and
dispersion of the savage force.
" This result is signally honorable to Major-General
Harrison, by whose military talents it was prepared."
And still Mr. Van Buren's "official organ" cries
"coward," "granny," "petticoat hero."
Simon Snyder, the pure, honest, Democratic gover-
nor of Pennsylvania, during the war, in his message
to the legislature of that State, on December 10, 1813,
said:
"The blessings of thousands of women and chil-
dren, rescued from the scalping knife of the ruth-
less savage of the wilderness, and from the still
more ruthless Proctor, rest on Harrison and his gallant
army."
"The old hero has, by his valor secured, "the bless-
ings of thousands of women and children," but he has
also secured the curses of British Tories and Martin
Van Buren's official organ. By the latter he is still
Political Campaign of 1840. 77
denounced as a "coward," "granny," and "petticoat
hero."
Governor Shelby to Mr. Madison, May 18, 1814, says:
" I feel no hesitation to declare to you that I believe
General Harrison to be one of the first military charac-
ters I ever knew."
But Martin Van Buren's "official organ" says that
General Harrison is a "coward," a "granny," and a "pet-
ticoat hero."
Col. Richard M.Johnson, to General Harrison, July 4,
1813, says:
"We did not want to serve under cowards or traitors
but under Harrison who had proved himself to be
wise, prudent and brave."
But Martin Van Buren's official organ calls Harri-
son a "coward," a "granny," and a "petticoat hero."
The honorable Langdon Cheves, speaking on the
battle of the Thames, said:
"The victory of Harrison, was such as would have
secured to a Roman general, in the best days of the
Republic, the honors of a triumph! He put an end to
the war in the Upper Canada."
And yet Martin Van Buren's "official organ" calls
Harrison a "coward," a "granny," and a "petticoat
hero."
Commodore Perry to General Harrison, August 18,
1817, says:
"The prompt change made by you in the order of
battle on discovering the position of the enemy, has
always appeared to me to have evinced a high degree
of military talent. I concur with the venerable Shelby
in his general approbation of your conduct in that cam-
paign."
Still Martin Van Buren's "official organ" insists that
Harrison is a "coward," a "granny," and a "petticoat
hero."
Eleven of the officers who fought under General Har-
rison, at the battle of Tippecanoe, paid him the follow-
ing tribute of justice and praise soon after the engage-
ment:
" Should our country again require our services to
78 Reminiscences of the
oppose a civilized or a savage foe, we should march
under General Harrison with the most perfect confi-
dence of victory and fame."
'JoEL COOK, JOSIAH SNELLING, -
' R. B. BURTON, O. G. BURTON,
' N. ADAMS, C. FULLER,
* A. HAWKINS, G. GOODING,
' H. BURCHSTEAD, J. D. FOSTER,
' HOSEA BLOOD."
But still Martin Van Buren's "official organ" con-
tends that General Harrison is a "coward," a "granny,"
and a "petticoat hero."
The following is an extract of a letter from Colonel
Davies, who was killed at the battle of Tippecanoe,
August 24, 1811 :
" I make free to declare that I have imagined there
were two military men in the West, and General Har-
rison is the first of the two."
But Martin Van Buren's "official organ" calls Gen-
eral Harrison a " coward," a "granny," and a "petti-
coat hero."
The Richmond Enquirer of January 9, 1813, speaks
of General Harrison in the following manner:
" General Harrison, in spite of the difficulties which
surround him, seems determined to press on to Detroit.
Neither the cold nor the badness of the roads can deter
him from his enterprise. If he fails, the world will ex-
cuse him on account of the difficulties which encom-
pass his path. If he succeeds, these very difficulties
will enhance the luster of his success,
" If he has been reported rightly, Harrison is a man
of no ordinary promise. War has been his favorite
study. At a very early age he was with Wayne in his
famous campaign against the Indians. • A gentleman
of very high standing, who had an important post
under him during last fall, compares him to Washing-
ton. He is as circumspect as he is enterprising; as
prudent in collecting the means of an attack as he is
vigorous in striking the blow."
Again the Richmond Enquirer of the iQth of Oc-
tober, 1813, referring to the battle of the Thames, says:
Political Campaign of 1840. 79
"We have not words to express the joy we feel for
the victory of Harrison. Never have we seen the pub-
lic pulse beat so high. And well may we rejoice. We
rejoice not so much for the splendor of this achieve-
ment as for the solid benefits which it will produce.
Yet, in point of splendor, we have no reason to believe
that when we shall receive the official accounts we
shall sustain any disappointment," etc.
"But its solid benefits require no official accounts to
emblazon them; almost every eye sees them, and almost
every tongue can tell them. It gives security to the
frontier. Ohio may now sleep in security. The
trembling mother that nightly used to clasp her infant
to her breast may rock its cradle in peace. The chain
which bound the red man to the Knglish white man is
broken," etc.
"These benefits we owe to the intrepidity of Perry,
who paved the way, and to Harrison, whose skill,
prudence and zeal have at length reaped their just re-
ward. This general has now put all his enemies to
shame. After struggling with difficulties under which
an ordinary man would have sunk ; after passing
through a wilderness of morass and mud, so difficult
of access that the wagon-horses could not carry prov-
ender enough to support them during the journey,
he reached the consummation of all his labors; repairs
the vices of Hull; wipes off the stain which he had
cast upon our arms; stands on the ruins of Maiden;
muzzles the Indian war dog, and proves to the world
that Americans want only an opportunity to display
the same gallantry on the shore which they have done
upon the wave."
But again: In the spring of 1814 a proposition was
made in Congress to create the office of lieutenant-
general. The Richmond Enquirer named General
Harrison for the elevated station in the following
eloquent and patriotic language:
'• If any one should ask where such a man is to be
met with, we answer to the best of our abilities, in the
man who has washed away the disasters of Detroit;
who had everything to collect for a new campaign,
80 Reminiscences of the
and who got everything together; who waded through
morasses and snows, and surmounted the most fright-
ful climate in the Union; the man who was neither to
be daunted by disaster nor difficulties under any shape
by the skill of the civilized or the barbarity of a savage
foe; the man who won the hearts of the people by
his spirit, the respect of his officers by his zeal, the
love of his army by a participation of their hardships;
the man who has finally triumphed over his enemy.
Such a man is William Henry Harrison."
And after all this testimony given by the editor of
the Richmond Enquirer in regard to the courage,
skill, capacity, patriotism and services of General Har-
son, Martin Van Buren's official organ presumes to call
him "coward," "granny" and a "petticoat hero."
John M. Niles, in his life of Perry, published in 1821,
after giving a general biography of General Harrison,
said:
" The defense of Fort Meigs and the subsequent
capture of the British army may be fairly considered
the most brilliant and extraordinary events of the late
war."
In alluding to the battle of the Thames he said:
" It must be conceded that this victory reflected
great honor upon the national arms, and upon the
troops by whom it was achieved."
"The action and the movements which preceded it
afford ample testimony of the judgment and cool
intrepidity of General Harrison ; and, indeed, all the
events of the campaign support these characteristics;
the disasters attending it having in no instance been
imputable to him."
And yet Martin Van Buren's "official organ" still
dares to call General Harrison a "coward," "granny,"
and a "petticoat hero."
Ex-Governor Isaac Hill, Nov. 23, 1813, in the New
Hampshire Patriot, said:
" What man lives whose whole heart and soul is not
British that cannot sincerely rejoice in the late vic-
•tories of Perry and Harrison; that does not feel a
pride in the valor and patriotism of the heroes of the
Political Campaign of 1840, 81
West, who have freed a country large as the Empire
of Alexander the Great from the Indian tomahawk and
scalping-knife. If there be such a one he is a traitor
to his country; he possesses the spirit of a murderer."
Still Martin Van Buren's "official organ" continues
to call Harrison a "coward," a "granny," and a
"petticoat hero."
I will in the next place, Mr. Chairman, claim the at-
tention of the committee to the testimony given by a
portion of the surviving members of the Petersburg,
Virginia, volunteers, who had served under Gen-
eral Harrison. Before, however, I introduce this testi-
mony, I will furnish some evidence of its high worth
and character by reading the discharge given to that
"patriotic and gallant corps" of citizen soldiers by
Brigadier General Cass. He says:
" In granting a discharge to this patriotic and gal-
lant corps, the general feels at a loss for words ade-
quately to convey his sense of their exalted merits.
Almost exclusively composed of individuals who had
been nursed in the lap of ease, they have, for twelve
months, borne the hardships and privations of a mili-
tary life, in the midst of an inhospitable wilderness,
with a cheerfulness and alacrity which has never been
surpassed; their conduct in the field has been excelled
by no other corps."
Let us now see what the brave and gallant men say:
" We, the undersigned, a portion of the surviving
members of the Petersburg, Virginia, Volunteers,
now residing in Petersburg, have seen in some public
prints, with much surprise, the imputation of coward-
ice attempted to be cast upon our old commander, Gen.
William Henry Harrison. We, as an act of sheer jus-
tice to that individual, deem it a duty to state that dur-
ing the siege of Fort Meigs in the spring of 1813, we
frequently saw General Harrison placed in dangerous
and perilous situations; and one day of the several
sorties, 5th of May, 1813, we as frequently saw hi^
coolly and deliberately encouraging his officers and ra^uAfc^
to do their duty. No coward, we think could act i&ithf*'
coolness and deliberation on such occasions.
6
82 Reminiscences of the
" In September following, we crossed the lake and
landed on the Canada shore a few miles below Maiden,
in which neighborhood we expected to meet the ene-
my. At and after the landing, on our march towards
Maiden, Harrison and Shelby were seen at the heads
of their respective commands, in the active discharge
of their duties. And at the Thames, in October, it was
conceded by all that General Harrison's conduct was
brave and meritorious.
" In February or March of the same year, the time of
service of the militia was about to expire, and, tiad
they left the army, we should have been left with but
a few volunteers and regulars exposed to the combined
enemy. At that time Meigs was not fortified. In
this situation, the general rallied the troops together
and addressed them in a feeling and patriotic manner,
impressing upon them the necessity of remaining only a
few days longer, at the same time pledging himself to see
them paid from his own private resources, should the
Government refuse to do it, for the time they might
serve after their legal time of service had expired.
" We cannot forbear acknowledging a debt of grati-
tude of long standing, and yet due to General Harri-
son, for his kind and personal attention to those of our
company who were wounded in the engagement on
the 5th of May, at Fort Meigs, and for his general de-
portment towards our corps during our term of serv-
ice. "JOSEPH SCOTT,
" JOHN H. SMITH,
"JOSEPH MASON,
"WM. R. CHIEVES,
"JAMES PAGE,
"WM. P. BURTON,
" R. CLEMENTS."
Notwithstanding the foregoing conclusive testimony
tb the contrary, Martin Van Buren's "official organ"
alleges that General Harrison is a "coward," a
"granny" and a "petticoat hero."
In addition to all the testimonials I have here enum-
erated— testimonials from friends and from foes, some
of whom have since gone to their rest — I will now pre-
Political Campaign of 1840. 83
sent the committee a few others, some of whom have
never been extensively before the public. In Septem-
ber, 1836, there was a convention of the citizens of
Western Pennsylvania held at Pittsburgh. A com-
mittee, consisting of officers who had served nearest
the person of General Harrison in the Northwestern
army, during the late war, was appointed to "report
to the convention their personal knowledge of his
courage and ability as a commander." At the head of
that committee stood Col. John B. Alexander, a brave
and gallant officer, who was equally distinguished
for his legal and scientific attainments as for his ac-
curate and intimate acquaintance with military science
and the art of war. With him were associated Gen.
Joseph Markle, Major Reeves, Colonel Daily and Dr.
McGheehan, all gentlemen of admitted gallantry, intel-
ligence and high character. And now, sir, let me read
you a short extract from the report of that com-
mittee :
"That they served as officers in the Northwestern
army, under the command of General Harrison, in the
campaign of 1812-13. They have had many oppor-
tunities to observe the character and tendency of his
orders and arrangements, and were witnesses of the
obstacles presented by an extensive wilderness and
dreary swamps to the transportation of the material of
the army and the accomplishment of his views. Yet
his industry and perseverance overcame these diffi-
culties.
"The members of the committee have also seen him
in battle and noticed his conduct. In command, he
was composed, yet vigorous. Under the fire of the
enemy, he was tranquil, calm and deliberate. During
the protracted siege of Fort Meigs, and amid the
shower of shot and shells which poured into the works
without intermission, no one saw the eye of the Gen-
eral to falter or a nerve to quiver. In his purposes he
was steady; in his manners kind and urbane, yet dig-
nified and commanding."
And now, sir, if there were no other testimonials to
establish the courage, ability, and services of General
84 Reminiscences of the
Harrison than the one to which I have last referred, that
alone would be entirely satisfactory to my mind, emi-
nating, as I know it did, from gentlemen who have
manifested their patriotism, not by merely calling
themselves Democrats, and talking about Democracy,
but by deeds of heroism at Massassinewa and other
bloody fields in the Northwest.
Still Martin Van Buren's "official organ" calls General
Harrison a "coward," a "granny," and a "petticoat
hero."
But, sir, here is another testimonial from some of the
brave men of Western Pennsylvania, who served an
arduous campaign under the command of General Har-
rison in the Northwestern army:
"To his Excellency Major General William Henry Har-
rison, Commander-in-Chief of the Northwestern
army.
"Fort Meigs, April 16, 1813.
"SiR: We feel it a particular duty and pleasure to
acknowledge to you and our countrymen the confi-
dence we have entertained of your excellency as our
general and commander-in-chief of the Northwestern
army. Fifteen days since we were prepared to -return
home, our six months' tour of duty expired; but, by
your solicitations in a letter addressed to General
Crooks, and that of the State government of which we
are citizens together with the impending dangers that
threatened all around by our hostile foes, we again
engaged ourselves in the service of the United States
for the fifteen days past, and to-morrow we expect
again to be discharged from the service, the danger
threatened appearing principally to have abated.
Reinforcements having arrived, and the preparations
much increased, we shall retire from the field
with peculiar satisfaction, asking of Heaven its protec-
tion for you, your army, and our country; trusting that
our Western enemies will be taught a lesson of submis-
sion not to be forgotten, and that the inhabitants of our
Western frontier will again enjoy the peaceful pleas-
ures of their homes.
Political Campaign of 1840. 85
" Most respectfully, your excellency's humble serv-
ants, "DAVID NELSON, Major.
" THOMAS LINGHAM, Major.
"ROBERT ORR, Major.
"E. CASSETTS, Surgeon.
" JOHN JUNKINS,
" J. BARACMAN,
" WM. HARPER,
"JAMES BONNER,
" WM. JOHNSON,
"THOMAS JACK.
" JOSHUA LOGAN, Adjutant."
These gentlemen were alike distinguished for brav-
ery, heroism, and all the sterling virtues. One of them,
Major Orr, some years after the termination of the
war, had the honor of a seat on this floor.
But Martin Van Buren's official organ still vouches
that General Harrison is a "coward," a "granny," and
a " petticoat hero."
Major Willock, of Pittsburgh, has borne witness to
the bravery and courage of General Harrison. "He
had been present on the field of battle when British
balls were flying thick around the head of Harrison,
and the old hero never blanched or quailed in that hour
of peril."
John D. Davis, Esq., of Pittsburgh, testifies that he
was an "eyewitness to the services of General Harri-
son on the field of battle; to his courage, humanity,
and devotion to the interests of the troops during some
of the most trying scenes of the last war, and that his
conduct towards his suffering soldiers was that of a
father in his family.'*
Mr. John W. Lynch, of Pittsburgh, testifies "that
on the field of battle and in the army, no man ever
questioned the courage and benevolence of General
Harrison."
Major Willock, John D. Davis, Esq., and Mr. Lynch
are brave and patriotic citizens, and had served in the
Northwestern army under General Harrison.
Yet Martin Van Buren's "official organ" denounces
86 Reminiscences of the
General Harrison as a "coward," a "granny," and a
"petticoat hero."
Mr. Pollock, of Muskingum county, Ohio, in a re-
cent debate in the house of representatives of that
State, speaking relative to the battle of Fort Meigs,
said:
" I was in the battle. I saw a cannon ball strike
within two feet of General Harrison during that fight.
I was there. I saw bomb shells and chain shot flying
thick around him. Horses were shot down under
him. I saw General Harrison there, and he was in
the hottest of the fight; and where balls flew the
thickest, and where steel met steel the fiercest, there
you would find General Harrison. I speak what I
know my eyes have seen. General Harrison is not a
coward; and those who call him a coward know noth-
ing of him. He was a brave, prudent and fearless gen-
eral. He took the right course during the last war; he
acted a noble part, and his country has honored him
for it. Ask the soldiers who fought by his side, whose
hearts were cheered by his valor, and who were led to
triumph and to victory by his courage, and bravery and
skill, if General Harrison was a coward; and they, sir,
will tell you no!"
But Martin Van Buren's "official organ" still hesi-
tates not to proclaim General Harrison a "coward," a
a ''granny," and a "petticoat hero."
General Tipton, late of the United States Senate
from the State of Indiana, who had served as an ensign
in the battle of Tippecanoe, testifies in regard to Gen-
eral Harrison's courage and behavior in that engage-
ment in the following manner:
" I think him as brave a man as ever lived; no man
could have behaved with more true courage than he
did. While the engagement was hottest and when
bullets flew thickest he was to be seen speaking in his
ordinary tone and giving commands with the greatest
precision. "The company to which I belonged," said
General Tipton, "went into action eighty strong and
only twenty survived. The firing upon us was most
tremendous, After the general had made his arrange-
Political Campaign of 1840. 87
ments for repelling the attack of the Indians at either
point, he rode up to where I was, and made the fol-
lowing inquiries: 'Where's your captain?' 'He is
dead, sir.' 'Where is the first or second lieutenant?'
'They are both dead,' was the reply. 'Well, where is
the ensign?' 'He stands before you, general.' 'Well,
my brave fellow,' said Harrison, 'hold your ground
for five minutes longer and all will be safe.' " In fif-
teen minutes the enemy was repulsed on all sides;
Tipton gallantly led on his few remaining comrades to
the charge, and victory perched upon the American
banner.
"As an evidence of Harrison's coolness in the midst
of danger, General Tipton stated that, at the moment
the conversation ended between himself and General
Harrison, and as the horse on which was mounted his
aide, the late General Taylor, of Indiana, was in the
act of turning, a rifle ball pierced him through the
body and brought him to the ground, catching his
rider's leg under him. It was a favorite black horse
of the general's, and he exclaimed, 'Ah! is my gallant
old black gone?' ' Well, rise and mount again, for we
have no time to mourn the loss of a horse when so
many brave ones are exposed to a similar fate,' and,
having remounted his aide, he dashed into the midst of
the danger. In a few minutes the battle was over."
Notwithstanding the statement of General Tipton,
Martin Van Buren's "official organ" continues to con-
nect the name of General Harrison with "coward,"
"granny" and "petticoat hero."
Mr. Will, of Ross county, Ohio, in relation to the
battle of the Miami rapids, states as follows:
"That he had been a soldier under Wayne; that he
had risen from the post of a private to that of a cap-
tain in the regular service. It was at the battle of
the Miami rapids that he first saw General Harrison.
He was then the aide of General Wayne. He saw the
youthful Harrison in the hardest, the hottest and the
thickest of the fight. T was shot through the body. I
fell and was for some time unable to get up. I suc-
ceeded, however, after great difficulty, in struggling to
88 Reminiscences of tfie
my feet. Just at this moment Harrison came up to me
and exclaimed, 'Soldier, why are you not fighting with
your company?' The blood was then gushing out of
my shoes. I informed him of my situation, and he
rushed on into the worst dangers of the fight. Some
denounce him as a coward. It is a base slander upon
a good and a brave man. I know and feel what I am
saying. He was a brave man, and a better officer I
never saw."
Still Martin Van Buren's "official organ" cries aloud
"coward," "granny" "petticoat hero."
Joseph Loranger, a respectable citizen of Monroe,
Michigan, gives his testimony in favor as follows:
" I was with General Harrison at Fort Meigs, and
when I hear those who were in their cradles at the
time or fleeing from danger stigmatize him as a ' cow-
ard,' I feel bound no longer to remain silent, but to tell
my fellow-citizens what I know. I was near him
when General Proctor demanded the surrender of the
fort, and I heard General Harrison say that he would
never surrender ; he would die in its defense rather
than give up the fort ; and he called upon all his
subordinate officers to join in his resolution; and that,
if he did fall, to never give up the conflict. Stimulated
by the firmness of their general, whom every officer
and soldier in the fort loved for his amiable qualities
and unflinching bravery, all resolved to die rather than
to dishonor their country by a surrender. You know,
fellow-citizens, the result. By his untiring perserver-
ance, by his late and early attention to duty, by his
constant encouragement of the private soldier by his
own example, and by his extraordinary skill, prudence
and bravery as a commander, the enemy were repulsed,
and the flag of their beloved country waved in triumph
over the fort which General Harrison and his brave
companions so gallantly defended."
But Martin Van Buren's "official organ" proclaims
General Harrison a "coward," a "granny," and a
"petticoat hero."
The following extracts of a letter from the hero of
Brownstown, Gen. James Miller, afford additional
Political Campaign of 1840. 89
evidence of the "bravery, skill and judgment" of
General Harrison. At the time of the battle of Tip-
pecanoe General Miller was at Fort Harrison, about
seventy miles up the Wabash. He says :
"Although I was not in the battle still I took great
interest in it, had much conversation with all the
officers on their return and made every inquiry I could
think of respecting their movement and encampments,
the attack and defense, and the operations of the
battle throughout; and I made up my mind unhesitat-
ingly that the campaign had been conducted with great
bravery, skill and judgment, and that nothing was left
undone that could be done consistently with the gen-
eral's express orders from the War Department, which
I saw and read. Nor have I ever known or heard of
any act of his which has in the least degree altered
the opinion I then formed of him. I will add that if
I ever had any military skill I am more indebted for it
to General Harrison than to any other man.
" In those days I .never heard that General Harrison
was a coward or wore petticoats.
"To conclude, I freely express my opinion, after
following him through all his civil and military career,
after living with him in his family more than six
months, that Gen. William Henry Harrison is as free
from stain or blemish as it falls to the lot of man to
be."
This is the testimony of as brave an officer as ever
wielded a sword; of the officer who, at the battle of
Lundy's Lane, gave the memorable reply, " I'll try," to
General Brown, when the latter inquired, if Miller
could dislodge the British artillery from their command-
ing position, and forthwith accomplished his purpose by
the aid of his favorite weapon, the bayonet.
And yet Martin Van Buren's "official organ" calls
Harrison a "coward," a "granny" and a "petticoat
hero."
The following general, field and staff officers of the
Northwestern army gave to the world their testimonial
in writing, in which they express their surprise and re-
gret "that charges as improper in form as in sub-
90 Reminiscences of the
stance" have been made against General Harrison.
And they conclude by stating, that, " With a ready
acquiescence, beyond the mere claim of military duty,
we are prepared to obey a general whose measures
meet our most deliberate approbation and merit that
of his country:"
Lewis Cass, brigadier general United States Army.
Samuel Wells, colonel Seventeenth regiment United
States Infantry.
Thomas D. Owings, colonel Twenty-eighth regi-
ment United States Infantry.
George Paull, colonel Seventeenth regiment United
States Infantry.
J. C. Bartlett, colonel quartermaster-general.
James V. Ball, lieutenant-colonel.
Robert Morrison, lieutenant-colonel.
George Todd, major Nineteenth regiment United
States Infantry.
William Trigg, major Twenty-eighth regiment Uni-
ted States Infantry.
James Smiley, major Twenty-eighth regiment United
States Infantry.
Rd. Graham, major Seventeenth regiment United
States Infantry.
Geo. Croghan, major Seventeenth regiment United
States Infantry.
L. Hukill, major and assistant inspector-general.
Ed. Wood, major engineers.
But still Martin Van Buren's "official organ" reiter-
ates "coward," "granny" and "petticoat hero."
After their term of service in the Northwestern
army had expired, the following officers addressed
General Harrison in this manner:
" On retiring from service, sir, we are happy in as-
suring you of our fullest confidence and that of our re-
spective commands in the measures you have taken;
they have been cautious and guarded, such as would
at this time have carried our arms to the walls of
Maiden had not the unhappy occurrences at the river
Raisin checked your progress, and for a short time
thwarted your plans of operation. That you may soon
Political Campaign of 1840. 91
teach the enemy the distinction between an honorable
and savage warfare by planting our standard in the
heart of their country and regain the honor and ter-
ritory we have lost, and, as a just tribute to valor, toils
and suffering, receive the grateful thanks of a gen-
erous and free people, is among the first, the warmest
wishes of our hearts.
* EDWARD W. TUPPER, Brigadier-General.
' SIMON PERKINS, Brigadier-General.
'CHARLES MILLER, Colonel.
'JoHN ANDREWS, Lieutenant-Colonel.
4 WILLIAM RAYAN, Colonel.
* R. SPAFFORD, Lt. Col. 2d Regt. Ohio quota.
' N. BEASLEY, Major.
' JAMES GALLOWAY, Major.
' SOLOMON BENTLEY, Major.
'GEORGE D ARROW, Major
' W. W. COTGREAVE, Major.
'JACOB FREDERICK, Major.
" His Excellency, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, com-
mander-in-chief of the Northwestern Army."
Still, Martin Van Buren's "official organ" persists in
calling General Harrison a "coward," a "granny," and
a "petticoat hero."
I have it in my power, sir, to adduce many other valua-
ble testimonials in relation to the courage, skill, ability
and conduct of Gen. William Henry Harrison, and par-
ticularly the statements of Gen. John O'Fallon, of St.
Louis, Colonel Chambers, of Kentucky, and Majors
Todd and Smith; but I will no longer test the patience
of the committee by heaping certificate upon certifi-
cate, and testimony upon testimony. I might also call
upon at least four honorable gentlemen on this floor,
who gallantly fought at the side of the hero of North
Bend, to bear their testimony in favor of that brave
veteran and the cause of truth. But, sir, I forbear; for
if men will not be convinced with the ample evidence
which has been produced, neither would they be con-
vinced "though one rose from the dead." General
Harrison had in his army several thousand men from
92 Reminiscences of the
Western Pennsylvania. Many of them are now resid-
ing in my district ; men as bold and brave as ever
breathed the "breath of life," and if the gentleman dared
to tell them that William Henry Harrison was a "petti-
coat hero/' he would very quickly have his mouth
stopped. Indeed, I never in my life saw a man who
had fought under Harrison that was not his warm
friend. But stay, I almost take that back; I did hear
once of six men in the county of Fayette, in Pennsyl-
vania, who had been in his army, and yet were vio-
lently opposed to his election; but, on inquiry, it turned
out that the whole six had been deserters and noto-
rious scamps, insomuch that the General had printed a
hand-bill offering a reward for the apprehension of
every one of them. These men who deserted the
stars and stripes of their country are the only political
deserters I ever heard of from the Harrison standard.
But now let us look a little at the civil qualifications
and services of General Harrison, for he is still more
distinguished for his capacity and conduct in the civil
offices he has filled than for his qualifications as a mil-
itary chieftain. As the governor of the Northwestern
Territory, which then embraced a region of the coun-
try that has since formed five States of this Union, and
afterwards as governor of the State of Indiana, he won
for himself the illustrious title of the " Father of the
Western Country." As a member, both of this House
and the Senate, and not less when Minister to the Re-
public of Colombia, he conducted himself in a manner
to secure his own reputation, and to reflect honor upon
his country.
In every situation the polar star that governed all
his actions was the love of justice. When he was a
member of Congress, and a bill was up to increase the
pay of its members, he refused his vote to take up this
bill until justice had been done to the men who had
been his companions in arms, by passing that pension
bill of 'which he was the earnest, ardent, inflexible, per-
severing advocate. He refused to do justice to himself
till he had seen justice done to the old heroes who had
fought for the national liberty. Whoever wishes to
Political Campaign of 1840. 93
form a correct opinion in regard to this portion of the
life of General Harrison, and to peruse a compendium
of the speeches he delivered, and the principles he ad-
vocated in this and in the other house, has only to con-
sult a series of editorial articles, which were prepared
by Mr. Gales, the editor of the Intelligencer, where
they will see, as in a picture, the honest, manly, patri-
otic, feeling character of the venerated hero whom the
people of the West so enthusiastically admire. Let
any man consider what was the weight of responsi-
bility imposed on General Harrison when he was ap-
pointed commander-in-chief over the whole North-
western Territory by President Madison, whose elec-
tion Mr. Van Buren so zealously opposed. Hear what
the Secretary of War, by direction of the President,
wrote to him on that occasion: "You will command
such means as may be practicable, exercise your own
discretion, and act in all cases according to your own
judgment."
Here is carte blanche unlimited — discretionary power
over the whole West; the country and its interests
were placed at his disposal. Such was the confidence
reposed in him by James Madison. Subsequently Mr.
Monroe, acting Secretary of War, wrote General Har-
rison in relation to the invasion of Upper Canada as
follows:
" No person can be so competent to that decision as
yourself, and the President has great confidence in the
solidity of the opinion you may form. He wishes you to
weigh maturely this important subject, and take that
part which your judgment may dictate."
Such an amount of power was never intrusted to
any other officer of this Government. And did Harri-
son betray the trust? Did he basely violate this confi-
dence of the Chief Magistrate? No. Never; never
in a single instance.
Do you know how it was that this same man
acquired, in so eminent a degree, the afFections and
love of the officers and soldiers in the army? He, him-
self, has disclosed the secret in four lines:
" By treating them with affection and kindness, by
94 Reminiscences of the
always recollecting that they were fellow-citizens, whose
feelings I was bound to respect, and by sharing, on
every occasion, the hardships which they were obliged
to undergo."
General Harrison possessed the confidence and
approbation of every President of the United States,
from George Washington down to the election of
General Jackson.
In 1791, when nineteen years of age, he was ap-
pointed by Washington an ensign in our army.
In 1792 was promoted to the rank of lieutenant.
In 1795 he was made a captain and placed in com-
mand of Fort Washington.
In 1797 he was appointed by President Adams sec-
retary of the Northwestern Territory, and ex-office
lieutenant-governor.
In 1798 he was chosen a Delegate to Congress.
In 1801 he was appointed governor of Indiana, and
in the same year President Jefferson appointed him
sole commissioner for treating with the Indians.
In 1803 and 1806 he was reappointed governor by
President Jefferson.
In 1809 he was appointed by President Madison
governor of Indiana.
In 1814 he was appointed by Madison one of the
commissioners to treat with the Indians, and in the
same year, with his colleagues, Governor Shelby and
General Cass, concluded the celebrated treaty of
Greenville.
In 1815 he was again appointed such commissioner,
with General McArthur and Mr. Graham, and nego-
tiated a treaty at Detroit.
In 1816 he was elected a member of Congress.
In January, 1818, he introduced a resolution in
honor of Kosciusko and supported it in one of the
most feeling and classical and eloquent speeches ever
delivered in the House of Representatives.
In 1819 he was elected a member of the Ohio senate.
In 1824 he was elected Senator in Congress, and
was apointed in 1825 chairman of the military com-
mittee in place of General Jackson, who had resigned.
Political Campaign of 1840. 95
In 1827 he was appointed minister to Colombia, and
in 1829 wrote his immortal letter to Bolivar, the deliv-
erer of South America.
These, sir, are some of the public stations which
General Harrison has filled with so much honor to his
own character and with so great advantage to his
country. t
RATIFICATION CONVENTION.
THE YOUNG MEN'S WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION
AT BALTIMORE MAY 4 — ORDER OF THE PROCES-
SION, BANNERS, ETC.
Sunday evening it rained, and the appearance of the
clouds foretokened an unpleasant Monday; but He,
who "tempers the wind" dispersed the lowering clouds.
The day was auspicious, sufficiently cool to prevent
exhaustion, and sufficiently warm for comfort. The
streets were filled at an early hour in the morning with
notes of preparation — delegations assembling in private
meetings, delegates hurrying to and fro in search of
friends or badges, and the arrival of delegations from
the country, inspired an expectation of an uncommonly
interesting day. Before 8 o'clock the marshals began
to ride through the streets to their various appoint-
ments; and then commenced the rush of thousands;
the sidewalks of Baltimore street for two miles pre-
sented an almost unbroken mass of eager expectants
waiting for the march of the procession. As the hour
advanced the roofs of the houses were scaled, and hun-
dreds from their lofty perches looked for the Whig
array. The ladies, the bright-eyed beautiful ladies of
Baltimore, filled the windows.
At half past nine the firing of the national salute,
the signal for the march of the procession, began. Be-
fore it was concluded the delegation from Philadelphia
96 Reminiscences of the
City and county arrived, and, with their baggage in
their hands, hastened to their position in Cove street.
The front of the procession, led by the chief marshal,
accompanied by two aids, commenced its march.
THE PROCESSION.
The procession was led by Capt. James O. Law,
chief marshal of the day, and an aid on each side on
horseback. He had appointed five assistants; they
were Messrs. James II. Milliken, Washington Booth,
Charles H. Wilder, Levi Fahnestock and J. W. Os-
borne. A fine band of music immediately followed
the marshal, playing "Harrison's March," as composed
by Professor Deilman. Then came the president and
officers of the Baltimore city delegation, bearing a
large white banner on a frame, with the following ap-
propriate inscription from a new and popular song:
"The people are coming from plain and from mountain,
To join the brave band of the honest and free,
Which grows as the stream from the leaf-sheltered fountain,
Spreads broad and more broad till it reaches the sea;
No strength can restrain it, no force can retain it,
Whate'er may resist, it breaks gallantly through,
And borne by its motion as a ship on the ocean
Speeds on in his glory —
Old Tippecanoe!
The iron-arm'd soldier, the true hearted soldier,
The gallant old soldier
Of Tippecanoe!"
An eagle was represented at the head of the inscrip-
tion, and beneath it was a barrel of •' hard cider."
INVITED GUESTS.
A number of barouches followed, containing the in-
vited guests of the convention, in the first of which we
observed the Hon. Daniel Webster, of the United States
Senate, and his honor, Sheppard C. Leakin, mayor of
the city of Baltimore.
Next to the carriages, and on foot, came the sub-
committee of arrangements, the Harrison convention,
and the central committee, distinguished by sashes and
Political Campaign of 1840. 97
appropriate badges, expressive of their official position
in the duties of the convention.
The above composed that portion of the line resting
on Baltimore street, which, as it passed down, was
joined by the delegation from
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
It was preceded by the State banner, with the
motto, "Crescit Sub Pondere Virtus." The delegation
was larger than was anticipated, and admirably did
the fine body of men which represented the " Granite
State" sustain their distinctive appellation.
MASSACHUSETTS.
The delegation from the Old Bay State was alike
imposing for the strength of its numbers and the high
respectability of those arrayed under its numerous and
significant banners. It comprised about a thousand
delegates. It was preceded by an elegant banner
borne by the Boston members, having a view of the
city of Boston writh the motto, "We are Where We
Have Been, and Ever Mean to Be." On the reverse of
the banner, "Sicut Patribus sit Deus Nobis. Bostonia
Condita, Civitatis Regime Donata, A. D. 1822."
The various sections of this delegation were distin-
guished by banners with appropriate devices and
inscriptions. On the first of these was the figure of
"Fame," and inscribed on the reverse, "Harrison and
Tyler." This was followed by one representing "The
Book of Laws," and on the reverse, " Honor to the
Majesty of Law." Two richly finished silk scrolls, one
representing the " Constitution of the United States/'
and having therefrom a sentence in letters of gold: the
other the ;t Constitution of Massachusetts," with a sen-
tence therefrom in the same letters. A silk banner
encircled with pictorial illustrations of General Harri-
son's career, closing with the Presidency, and bearing
the words, "The Rising of Harrison."
The members from Bunker Hill with a banner bear-
ing those two words only, were very numerous, and
were cheered with the deepest enthusiasm. Succeed-
98 Reminiscences of the
ing them was a banner with a device of a golden goblet
overflowing with gold pieces; on the reverse the
words, " The Golden Humbug." On the next was
represented a quantity of mechanics' implements of
labor, and on the other side the pithy expression,
"Buchanan; Beware of Edge Tools." It will be re-
membered that Mr. Buchanan, in the course of a speech
some time since, exclaimed: " I would that the whole
of New England might hear my voice." They appear
to have heard it, and Mr. Buchanan is thus honored with
their reply. New England, like all other sections of
the Union, is not well pleased with that political
theory which would begin its practice by a reduction
of the price of labor. A banner followed with the de-
vice of the sword and balance, bearing the motto,
" Equal Rights and Equal Justice." Amongst others
we noticed banners with the following inscriptions:
" Glad Tidings for the People;" " Union for the Sake of
Union;" " Success to our Cause." The device of an
arm and hammer with the motto, " Strong Arms and/
Stout Hearts."
The Cape Cod delegation were distinguished by
banners with the following inscriptions: "The Fish-
eries— By These We Thrive." " Bounty and Prosperity
to the Fishermen."
The banner of the arms of the State was borne in the
rear of this long line of the young Whigs of Massa-
chusetts, and it was encircled by the motto, " There is
Lexington, and Concord and Bunker Hill, and There
They will be Forever."
The Massachusetts delegation was accompanied
with a remarkably fine band of music which came on
with them, and whose performances excited much ad-
miration.
RHODE ISLAND.
This gallant little State, which came with "victory
yet green upon her brow," was well represented. Her
sons moved on with an elastic step under the folds of
her State banner, representing an anchor hove, with
the appropriate motto, "Fast Anchored to Her An-
Political Campaign of 1840. 99
cient Principles.1' Her representation was very large
for her population.
CONNECTICUT.
Connecticut, too, has but recently added a new leaf
to her laurels, and on the present occasion was repre-
sented by a goodly number of her sons, who had just
reason to be proud of the station which she has per-
manently assumed among her Whig sisters of the na-
tional confederacy. She followed her State banner,
inscribed with the motto, "Connecticut Has Said, and
Connecticut Has Done It."
A fine band of music occupied the interval in the
line, and was followed by the delegation from
NEW YORK.
The proud " Excelsior" of the Empire State met the
eye in the van of the long line of intelligent, enterpris-
ing and patriotic citizens who composed her numer-
ous delegation. Almost every one of her many counties
was represented, and at the head of the delegation we
recognized its chairman, J. N. Reynolds, Esq. The
eyes of the spectators appeared to sparkle with new
interest and pleasure as the long line passed before
them, "the observed of all observers." The cry of
"Rescue" is in the shouts of her sons ; we know "she
can;" we hope "she will;" may we live to write "she
has!" The motto on the armorial banner consisted of
the words, "New York, the Ebbs and Flows of Whose
Single Soul are Tides to the Rest of Mankind."
NEW JERSEY.
The wronged New Jersey next appeared, and with
the free air and fearless port of men who know their
rights and dare maintain them, followed that banner
which they have preserved in the hands of the undis-
mayed defender of their rights, their worthy gover-
nor. The State banner bore the significant inscrip-
tion, "The Next Impression of Her Broad Seal Will
Be Respected." A very elegant banner represented a
fac- simile of the seal of the State over which were
the words, " Our State Sovereignty Shall Not Be
ioo Reminiscences of the
Violated." Around it, " The Great Seal of the State
of New Jersey." We cannot doubt but that it will
make a due impression in the fall.
The Nottingham delegation displayed a rich silk
banner inscribed, "Our Cause is Our Country, Our
Candidate Its Gallant Defender; Presented by the
Young Ladies at Mill Hill, April 8, 1840." Each
corner was beautifully embroidered with roses.
A banner in the West Jersey delegation contained
the motto, "Jerseymen Choose Their Own Represent-
atives."
The members from Princeton, whose ranks were
well rilled, were distinguished by a rich silk banner
representing the American eagle, with the words,
" Princeton Whig Association," and on the reverse,
" Harrison and Tyler."
PENNSYLVANIA.
The delegation from the Keystone State was im-
mense, and presented a scene that in itself would
dignify the name of a procession. Its approach was
indicated by a large white banner, on which was
inscribed, "Keystone State. It is Coming." Then
followed the "Philadelphia City and County Delega-
tion," with a banner signifying the same, and another
rich one bearing the arms of the State.
Another banner had on it a ship with the sentence
above, " Labor is Wealth," and below, " Don't Give
Up the Ship." In the rear of the Philadelphia mem-
bers was carried a transparency, being a full-length
portrait of General Harrison, encircled by the words,
" Honor Be to Him Who Defends Our Homes and
Friends." On the reverse it stated that, "This trans-
parency was displayed in Philadelphia in 1813, by the
people, after the defeat of Proctor by the gallant Har-
rison." A relic of the time when people en masse
offered honor to the victorious soldier.
York county was represented by about 1 50 "good
men and true" with their six marshals. In front of
the delegation from Democratic York was borne a
beautiful banner, on which was tastefully displayed a
Political Campaign of 1840. 101
white rose with the motto, " The White Rose of
Pennsylvania Defends the Fair Fame of Harrison. "
On the reverse was inscribed the " York County Dele-
gation."
Cumberland county was also strongly represented.
Among her highly respectable delegation we noticed
the Hon. Charles B. Penrose, late Speaker of the
Senate, who afterwards addressed the convention with
great effect, at Monument Square. On the banner in
front of the delegation was inscribed these expressive
words: "Old Mother Cumberland — She'll bag the
Fox."
From Schuylkill county a large number were pres-
ent; their banner, "W. H. H. — In peace the Farmer
and His Plowshare: in War the Soldier and his Sword."
On the reverse, " Harrison and Tyler."
The Dauphin county delegation exhibited an elegant
banner, on one side of which she announced her prin-
ciples as " First for Jackson; First for Harrison.
Always Honest — She Gave Up Caesar for Rome, and
Now to the Aid of Rome She Calls the Cincinnatus of
the West." On the other side was, " Pro Patria—
Harrison and Tyler."
In the same delegation there was also a beautiful
banner, which attracted particular notice. This ban-
ner was got up by two members of the Harris-
burg Tippecanoe Club, Messrs. A.Jones, and T.
Fenn. On one side of the banner, the body of which
was black satin, was a log cabin, in gilt, surrounded
with thirteen stars, indicative of the thirteen original
States; and attached to the cabin was a barrel of hard
cider, also in gilt. The string of the door of the cabin
was not drawn in. On the same side was " Harrison,
Tyler and True Democracy," and "The Ball is Roll-
ing," all also in gilt. On the other side was the Penn-
sylvania coat of arms, and the inscription, "To Preserve
Their Liberties the People Must Do Their Own Fight-
ing and Voting," all also in gilt. The banner was
splendidly decorated and trimmed.
The delegation from Fayette county conveyed a por-
tion of its members in a complete log cabin, built
1O2 Reminiscences of the
upon wheels and drawn by six horses. Upon the roof
a banner was displayed, inscribed "Laurel Mountain
Boys, from Fayette County, Pennsylvania, Head of the
Mississippi Valley." Deer and fox skins, buck-horns,
with sundry implements of husbandry, adorned the
sides and roof of the cabin, and boughs of green trees
decorated the top. The appearance of such a thing in
our streets was not a little interesting to many as a
curiosity in the way of architecture, and of novelty to
all. A barrel of hard cider was placed in the rear
of the cabin, and a gourd was suspended by it. A flag
in front announced whence it came, "From Fort
Necessity, Washington's First Battle Ground."
The Bucks county delegation followed it with the
banner, brief but expressive, "Huzza for Old Tippe-
canoe."
Lancaster county was preceded by a banner that
announced herself as " The Gibraltar of the Keystone
State, Good for 4,000 Majority for Old Tip." A club
from Lancaster city had a beautiful flag bearing the
words of General Harrison to his soldiers at parting
with them.
MifHin county with an appropriate flag followed,
and
Adams county was largely represented, her banners
having a variety of devices. On the first banner was
"Adams County, Pennsylvania, Opposed to Reducing
the Wages of the Laborer and Mechanics." On
another, " Harrison the Conqueror of Proctor Shall
Lead Us to Victory."
The Delaware county delegation carried a banner
bearing the motto, "Tippecanoe; No Reduction of
Wages."
From Pittsburgh the delegation, was large and con-
sisted of substantial looking men, the iron of Pennsyl-
vania. They carried a banner consisting of a painting
representing Harrison and his staff, and on the reverse
a log cabin with Harrison at the plow in the fore-
ground.
Mercer county was well represented. The banner
of the delegation presented a likeness of Harrison and
Political Campaign of 1840. 103
around it, "Our Candidate, Fort Meigs, The Thames,
Tippecanoe, William Henry Harrison, the Poor Man's
Friend." On the reverse, "Our Candidates, Harrison
and Tyler."
DELAWARE.
The delegation of this gallant little State reached the
city at an early hour yesterday morning. It comprised
representatives from all the counties. The banner
borne in front had on it the arms of the State, and on
the reverse the motto, " The First to Adopt — the Last
to Abandon the Constitution." On another banner
was the motto, " Our Country — Our Rights." The
New Castle Tippecanoe Club had its appropriate ban-
ner, as had also the Sussex and Kent members.
The banners of the Kent county delegation had on
them the "Blue Hen's Chickens;" a name given to the
Delaware line in the glorious war of the Revolution.
As the worthy sons of worthy sires have arrayed
themselves under this banner, its appropriateness will
be seen from the following explanation, furnished by
one who took part in the struggle for our National In-
dependence:
" In the Revolutionary war Delaware was among
the most densely populated portions of our country,
and is said to have furnished five thousand fighting
men to the Revolutionary army. The* regiment of
'Delaware Blues' was so called from their blue uni-
forms. When they marched from Wilmington, in 1776,
they were indeed a gallant sight. Eight hundred men,
with such perfect discipline in their march that when
advancing in line, it was said a bullet might have passed
from one end of the regiment to the other between the
ankles of every soldier without touching a man, ex-
hibited a spectacle such as has not bqen exceeded since
that day.
"They were exposed in every action from Long
Island to Charleston, and as fast as they fell in battle
their ranks were recruited from Delaware alone. Ja-
quett, who was one of their officers, used to say that
he could march all day with them, from sunrise to sun-
104 Reminiscences of the
set, and when, on Green's retreat, everybody else was
tired and asleep, his Sussex soldiers alone would get a
fiddle and dance around their watch fires. They were
engaged in thirty -two pitched battles, and were al-
ways the last to retreat. It was natural that they
should have been then the pride and boast of the State
in which scarcely a man was left who had not a re-
lation or friend in the regiment.
" Captain Caldwell had a company recruited from
Kent and Sussex called ' Caldwell's Game Cocks/ and
the regiment after a time in Carolina was nicknamed
from this 'The Blue Hen's Chickens,' and 'The
Blue Chickens,' as the fun and fancy of their comrades
preferred the phrase. But after they had been dis
tinguished in the South the name of the Blue Hen was
applied to the State whenever aiitr a battle the re-
cruiting officers were sent home to get more chickens
of her raising, and those who came from Kent were
chiefly taken from her forests of white oak. The poor
fellows for the most part died in the battles of the Rev-
olution, and but a very few of those who returned ever
received any reward for their services, being paid off
in Continental money. But the Whigs of the Revolu-
tion never ceased to boast of the Blue Hen and her
chickens, and to this day their descendants will often
boast in Kent that they are the cocks of that brood,
and were taken from the stooping white oak."
At this point of the procession was another log
cabin, with its appendages of dried skins and emblems
of the agricultural life, and, as an indispensable accom-
paniment, a barrel of hard cider with its pendent gourd.
An elegant full-length portrait of General Harrison,
by Otis, was borne in front of the cabin.
Maryland occupied, of course, a large portion of the
line, and was rich in devices and decorations. The
Baltimore city delegation, und^r the banner of the
State, with the motto, "Religious Toleration and Pub-
lic Liberty," was in the van; they also carried an ele-
gant banner representing the "Battle Monument."
The delegation from St. Mary's, which followed,
was distinguished by a 'large banner inscribed, " Old
Political Campaign of ISJfi. 105
St. Mary's, the Adopted Land bf Lord Baltimore, and
Now the Advocate of Old Tippecanoe." They were
accompanied by a very neatly finished log cabin,
drawn by eight gray horses, and having a variety of
tasteful decorations in character. It was the favorite
establishment of the kind with the ladies, and was
particularly honored with their attention. A banner
in the rear of the delegation exhibited the words, "Tip,
Tyler and the Tariff."
Worcester county followed with a banner represent-
ing a log cabin and having the inscription, "Harrison
and Tyler; Worcester County is Pledged to Support
Maryland."
A portion of the Frederick City delegation occupied
a well-built log cabin drawn by six horses; on the side
a placard was suspended with the words, "The Cabin'
in Which This Morns Multicaulis Administration May
Winter," on another, "Sweep the Augean Stable," for
which purpose a most ominous broom discovered itself
at the chimney top. On the branch of a tree on the
roof of the cabin was perched a mountain eagle, which
produced an excellent effect.
The- new made Howard district, victorious in their
first election, carried a banner inscribed " The Young
Whigs of Young Howard District, the True Blood of
the Old Maryland Line." On the other side was " No
Reduction of Wages."
A large log cabin from Sharpsburg here diversi-
fied the line; it was a most substantial one, built on a
frame fixed on six wheels and drawn by eight beauti-
ful horses, each wearing a set of bells. In this cabin a
delegation of forty came down from Washington
county, and from a peep into the interior their quarters
were quite comfortable.
A man was seated on a barrel of hard cider be-
hind; on the sides were a number of skins of various
animals; in one of the windows a hat without a crown
was thrust; cooking utensils and farming implements,
with tools peculiar to the labor of the log-cabin occu-
pants abounded about it, and upon the roof an opossum
was seen clinging to a branch of a gum tree. This
106 Reminiscences of the
was the favorite of the men, and a capital specimen it
was.
Carroll county also came in with a log cabin
similar to those we have described.
Talbot county delegation was distinguished by an
appropriat^ flag.
The delegates from Queen Anne's carried a hand-
some flag, bearing the motto, " When Our Country
Calls, Obey — Cincinnatus."
A large delegation from the Laurel Factory followed
with a magnificent and very costly banner. This
splendid ornament of the procession contains forty
yards of silk; its principal picture represents the Fac-
tory village, including the river and all the prominent
buildings connected with it. Its motto above was,
" Protect American Industry," below the words
" Laurel Factory, Prince George's County, Maryland,
May 4th, 1840." „ On the reverse, a screw-and-lever
press, under which is a figure intended to represent the
President, and a laboring man at the lever; above is
the quotation, "A pressure which no honest man need
regret." The banner, trimmed in superb style by Sisco,
is suspended from a gilt spear across the top, the
feather projecting at one end and the point at the
other; this supported by gold cord attached to gilt-
banner poles. It was borne in the procession by six
persons. Mr. A. C Smith, was the painter. A large
gilt eagle is at the cap of the banner.
A delegation followed bearing the motto, " Old
Kent Co.; Union for the Sake of the Union."
The next made the candid acknowledgment, " The
Whigs of Cecil — Often Beaten, Never Conquered."
Another banner was inscribed, "Hard Cider — Harrison
and Reform;" and on the other side, " Retrenchment
and Reform — No Standing Army of 200,000 Men."
A curious affair followed here, which was immedi-
ately preceded by a flag announcing that "Alleghany
is Coming." It was a huge ball, about ten feet in di-
ameter, which was rolled along by a number of the
members of this delegation; the ball was apparently a
wooden frame covered with linen painted divers col-
Political Campaign of 1840. 107
ors, and bearing a multitude of inscriptions, apt quota-
tions, original stanzas and pithy sentences, which it was
impossible to collect in consequence of the motion of
the ball. We think there was other evidence yester-
day that "the ball is in motion."
The Cumberland delegation was preceded by an ele-
gant satin flag, worked by the ladies of that town. On
another flag of the same delegation was the motto:
" Buff and Blue — Good and True — For Tippecanoe."
Hartford, Cecil, Kent and other counties were desig-
nated by their appropriate banners.
The Govanstown district displayed a banner repre-
senting a log cabin, with the inscription " General Har-
rison Elected to the Presidency by the Hard-Handed
Yeomanry."
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
The delegation from the "Ten-Mile Square" was
numerous. The members from Washington headed
the delegation with a banner representing the Capitol,
and a motto, " Insensible Alike to Blandishments or
Threats." A very beautiful banner, having a painting
of the genius of Columbia, and the inscription, " Co-
lumbia the Sentinel of the Republic," was second in
order. This was followed by a flag with the signifi-
cant motto, "The Liberty of Speech, if No.t the Right
of Suffrage."
Georgetown came next, and exhibited a banner, hav-
ing thereon the appropriate sentences, "As Sentinels
on the Tower of Liberty We Sound the Alarm. Young
Whigs to the Rescue," and on the reverse, " Under the
Shadow of the Throne, the Throb of Liberty Still
Beats On."
From Alexandria the delegation was large. Their
banner, which was very beautiful, represented a figure
on a pedestal, and bore the motto, " Public Good Our
Only Aim/1
. VIRGINIA.
Virginia — just fresh from the encounter in which
she has added to her renown and given a new zest to
the hopes of the American people, and to their confi-
io8 Reminiscences of the
clence in her strength and ability — brought her own
good welcome with her welcome news The delega-
tion was very large. In every respect the flag of the
" Old Dominion " and its followers did justice to the
place of the nativity of the gallant Harrison.
The Norfolk borough delegation bore a large ban-
ner with the picture of the balance, over which were
the words of warning first given to Belshazzar, u Mene,
mene, Tekel Upharsin — Thou Art Weighed in the
Balance and Found Wanting." On the opposite side
the significant expression, " Treasury Pap Inopera-
tive."
From Hampshire county there was a considerable
delegation with an appropriate banner, and lively
green badges.
There was a delegation quite numerous bearing a
banner whose familiar motto especially belonged to
them. On the front an eagle was painted among the
clouds and lettered above, " Wise's District;" on the
reverse the hand-in-hand, with the well-known ex-
pression which originated with Mr. Wise, and was so
interestingly exemplified yesterday, " The Union of
the Whigs for the Sake of the Union."
NORTH CAROLINA.
This delegation was comprised in one body under
the banner of the arms of the State, the motto upon
which was, "On, Stanly! On!"
SOUTH CAROLINA.
A similar deputation from this State took its place
in the line, and hoisted the State banner in the cause.
It bore the motto, "The Palmetto Resists Oppression."
GEORGIA.
The enthusiasm which has circulated like electricity
throughout so large a portion of the Union, has not
been more thoroughly felt than among the warm tem-
peraments of the sons of the South. Georgia, but a
short time since avowing her apathy in the Presiden-
tial campaign, has felt the kindly influences of a re-
newed hope, and sends forth her representatives to
Political Campaign of 1840. 109
the convention; while at home the name of Harrison
is cherished as the talisman that is to protect the Union.
Her banner bore the motto, " She Has Aroused From
Her Lethargy."
VERMONT
Came next, preceded by her armorial standard, and
presented a goodly array both in numbers and appear-
ance. The Green Mountain boys who have ever
proved the inflexible supporters of the doctrine of
equal rights, received a hearty welcome. We know
Vermont and can'rely on her. and in the language
they have adopted on their flag, we feel assured that
"The Green Mountain Boys Will Do Their Own
Voting and Their Own Fighting."
TENNESSEE
Came with the sable weeds of solemn mourning on
her flag for one of her great and good men who had
just passed away. This token of respect to the mem-
ory of the talented and virtuous Hugh L. White,
produced a deep sympathy of feeling on the beholder.
The motto of the standard was, " Not that She Loved
Ca3sar Less, but Rome More."
KENTUCKY.
There was a full delegation from this State, and
larger than was expected. The standard bore the
name of "Henry Clay" and the Latin passage "Tanto
Nomine Nullem per Eulogium." It was no doubt a
great gratification to the gentlemen from Kentucky to
have the pleasure of meeting their distinguished repre-
sentative in the Senate, Mr. Clay, at the convention,
as it was to many others.
A band of music, as in the order of the procession,
followed Kentucky, and preceded a large delegation
from
OHIO.
The banner of the State with the well-selected
motto. "She Offers Her Cincinnatus to Redeem the
Republic," led the procession from Ohio.
A large body of* men from Hamilton county, in
1 10 Reminiscences of the
which General Harrison resides, followed, bearing a
beautiful banner representing Harrison at the plow:
on the reverse a view of Cincinnati, the Ohio river
and the landing. They also brought on with them a
miniature log cabin, built of the buckeye, grown
on the farm at North Bend.
Next, a miniature log cabin, built of buckeye timber,
taken from North Bend, and brought here by the
Cincinnati boys.
Next, flag, an eagle; above, "Franklin County,
Ohio," under, " Harrison, Tylei; and Reform — One
Term;" on the reverse, above the eagle, " Our Country's
Good is all Our Aim," and under, "The Buckeyes of
Columbus, Ohio."
Next, a small flag, representing a barrel of hard
cider with the name of the Franklin County Reform
Club, " Straight Outs."
And last, a large painting from Muskingum county
representing the demand made by the British general
Proctor, upon General Harrison for the surrender of
Fort Meigs. Above, " General Proctor Demands the
Surrender of This Post," underneath, " Tell Your
General Its Capture Will Do Him More Honor Than
a Thousand Surrenders." On the reverse, " William
Henry Harrison Has Done More for His Country, and
Received Less, Than any Man Now Living." — Met-
calf, of Kentucky. "The People of the United States
— May They Ever Remember, that to Preserve Their
Liberties, They Must Do Their Own Voting and
Their Own Fighting." — Harrison.
LOUISIANA.
The convention received some addition to its mem-
bers from tjhis State under their coat of arms, and the
motto " Sans Peur et Sans Reproch-e," upon a banner
with a pelican feeding her young.
INDIANA.
A very fine delegation was in attendance from the
"Buffalo" State, whose sons have cause to be known
and to appreciate the gallantry of the man they have
thus publicly honored. The flag was inscribed, " She
Political Campaign of 1840. 1 1 1
Will Cherish in Her Manhood the Defender of Her
Infancy."
MISSISSIPPI.
The banner of Mississippi, which preceded a liberal
delegation, bore the motto, " Once More To the Rescue
— We Honor Him Who Gave up Office for Our Sake."
A band of music here varied the procession; and it
was followed by the delegation from
ILLINOIS.
The banner was inscribed, " She will Teach Palace
Slaves to Respect the Log Cabin;" at the base, " The
Prairies Are on Fire! "
ALABAMA.
This delegation followed under the banner of their
State with the pithy motto, " She will Soon Renounce
Allegiance to a King."
MAINE.
The delegation from Maine was very full. A fine
body of men supported the banner which bore the apt
sentences, " Her Honor is Our Honor — Her Quarrel
Shall be Our Quarrel."
MISSOURI.
From this State the delegates followed their banner,
which was inscribed, " Missouri Remembers her Early
Friend."
MICHIGAN.
The delegation was limited in number, but not the
less welcome on that account. The banner had the
motto, "Oh May'st Thou Ever Be what Thou Now
Art," a sentence to which we all respond, amen.
ARKANSAS. ,
From this State there was a small delegation to
unite with their brethren in the distinguished honors
of a day that will ever be brilliant in the civil annals of
American history. Under a banner with the words,
" We Remember Him Who Gave Up Office for Our
Sake."
U2 Reminiscences of the
BALTIMORE CITY TIPPECANOE CLUBS,
Came next, from the First to the Twelfth ward, in-
clusive.
The club of each ward had an appropriate banner.
As the procession moved on through the city and
stretched out a lengthened line, the array was most
imposing. Such an immense concourse moving like
an "army with banners," never before on such an occa-
sion thronged the avenues; while from one end of the
mighty column to the other loud acclamations ran, re-
newed from rank to rank, and bespeaking the strong
enthusiasm which prevailed in every heart. Balti-
more street was one long gallery of beauty. Innu-
merable white handkerchiefs waved by fair hands
greeted each advancing pennon, and to the waving of
handkerchiefs and to smiles, and bright glances from
the windows, the }roung Whigs returned loud cheers
with uplifted hats. It may be safely calculated that
for every three rounds given for the Whig cause gen-
erally, one was especially devoted to the ladies of
Baltimore. From Baltimore street bridge the view of
the coming procession was in the highest degree strik-
ing, and gave a very comprehensive sight of the multi-
tude, inasmuch as from Cove street to this point the
avenue is perfectly straight, while a slight elevation at
the bridge afforded a commanding view of the whole
distance westward. The wide thoroughfare of Balti-
more street, viewed from that point, seemed wedged
by a solid mass of men, and no end could be seen to
the lengthened column. The extent of the procession
could not have been less than two miles, marching in
platoons six to ten abreast.
Throughout the whole course of the procession as
far as the extremity of the city, the most cheering
demonstrations were given from windows, doors, and
crowded balconies. In several of the streets flags and
mottoes were suspended across, and on one house in
Market street F. P. a splendid oil painting of General
Harrison was suspended amidst patriotic decorations.
The procession loudly cheered it as it passed.
In entering the inclosed ground appropriated for
Political Campaign of' 1840. 113
the meeting of the convention, the procession passed
through a triumphal arch decorated with flags. This
spot, known as the Canton race-course, is even and
smooth and covered with a rich grassy sward. On
the right of the entrance stood a log cabin, constructed
in the backwoods style, the crevices betsveen the logs
being well plastered with clay, a stick chimney at each
extremity, and a door well provided with a latch, and
the string outside. Across the lawn at some distance
a representation of Fort Meigs appeared in the shape
of a fortress, with port-holes and guns and surmounted
by the national flag waving gallantly in the breeze, a
sight which required no great stretch of fancy to bring
to mind the thought of the memorable day when the
stars and stripes floated over no emblematical struct-
ure amid the smoke and roar of artillery, and the shouts
of brave men fighting valiantly. Towards the western
end of the ground a pavilion rose, inclosing the trunk
of a large tree, above the top of which ascended a flag-
staff bearing the broad banner of the Union.
The invited guests, distinguished strangers, clergy-
men, members of Congress, several Revolutionary sol-
diers, and others, were conducted to one of the plat-
forms, over which floated the "stars and stripes of
liberty/' The other was reserved for the president
and officers of the convention. The various delega-
tions, with banners flying and bands playing, ranged
themselves around, amidst a salute of twenty-six guns
from Fort Meigs. While the extreme of the proces-
sion was drawing near the distinguished strangers on
the platform were severally introduced to the assembled
multitude, and greeted with long and deafening
cheers.
Among those who were thus particularly distin-
guished, were Mr. Henry Clay, Mr. Webster, Mr.
Preston and Mr. Crittenden, of the United States Sen-
ate; Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania; Mr. Graves,
of Kentucky ; Mr. Gushing, of Massachusetts: Mr.
Grinnell, of New York; Mr. Bond, of Ohio; Mr. Pen-
rose, of Pennsylvania; Mr. Crary, of Michigan; Mr.
Monroe, Mr. Ogden Hoffman, Mr. Carter, Mr. Granger
1 14 Reminiscences of the
and Mr. Fillmore, of New York; Mr. C'/rvv: .Ohio;
Mr. Jenifer, of Maryland; Ex-Goverm i I! \.urd, Col.
G. C. Washington, and some others.
Not the least interesting part of 1'r.j ceremony was
the introduction to the convention from the rostrum
of Mr. Ely, of Philadelphia, a soldie. ^t the Revolution,
now in the eighty-fourth year of i. -ore. As this
venerable man, with an energy arisi.. , /, of the en-
thusiasm of the occasion, bared his w!...i- ied head to
the multitude in approval of the cause wr..ch they had
assembled to promote, a triumphant sL i ->t applause
showed how much they valued the presence and
approbation of their hoary-headed fellow-citizen.
The Reverend Henry B. Bascom, of Kentucky, then
fervently and eloquently addressed the Throne of
Divine Grace, after which the Hon. Henry A. Wise,
of Virginia, introduced John B. Thompson, Esq., of
Kentucky, the chairman of the committee of chairmen
of the several delegations represented, by whom the
convention was called to order. Mr. Thompson, on
behalf of the same committee, then announced the fol-
lowing nominations for president, vice-presidents and
secretaries, which nominations were agreed to by
acclamation.
President: John V. L. McMahon, of Maryland.
Vice-Presidents: W. Willis, of Maine; J. W.Emory,
of New Hampshire; R. Babcock, Jr., of Rhode Island;
J. B. Eldridge, of Connecticut; Charles Hopkins, of
Vermont; Thomas E. Sawver, of New Hampshire;
D. P. King, of Massachusetts; J. N. Reynolds, of
New York; J. M. Keim, of Pennsylvania; Charles H.
Black, of Delaware; William Irick, of New Jersey;
A. Wilson, of Virginia; T. O. Edwards, of Ohio; J.
H. Crozier, of Tennessee; G. R. Clark, of Missouri;
J. Dillet, of Alabama; G. Mason Graham, of Louisana;
J. H. Wright, of Indiana; J. Constable, of Illinois; J.
R. Gilliam, of North Carolina; Thomas Allen, of Dis-
trict of Columbia; F. M. Robertson, of Georgia; R.
Wickliffe, Jr., of Kentucky; M. Gooding, of Michigan;
Henry Page, of Maryland; Edward Gamage, of South
Carolina.
Political Campaign of 1840. 115
SECRETARIES.
M. S. Appleton, of Maine; S. E. Gatrfield Jr., of New
Hampshire; B. C. Hill, of Rhode Island; Austin
Baldwin, of Connecticut; E. P. Walton, Jr., of Ver-
mont; E. G. Austin, of Massachusetts; Alexander
Kelsey, of New York; J. Wash. Tyson, of Pennsyl-
vania; J. Burton, of Delaware; Jos. H. Nicholson, of
Maryland; N.J. Winder of Virginia; J. A. Corwin.
of Ohio; C. C. Norvell, of Tennessee; J. White, of
Missouri; W. S. Oliver, of Alabama; J. Warfield, of
Louisiana; John Hutton, of Indiana; C. J. Randall,
of Illinois; W. M'Phitees, of North Carolina; A. C.
M. Pennington, of New Jersey; George Dawson, of
Michigan; R. L. Brent, of District of Columbia; F.
Cooper, of Kentucky; J. E. Harvey, of South Caro-
lina; R.Clarke, of Georgia.
The following resolutions, recommended to the
adoption of the convention by the committee of
chairmen, were then read by Mr. Thompson of the
committee, and unanimonsly adopted:
Resolved, By the Convention of the Whig Young
Men assembled at Baltimore, the fourth day of May,
1840, that the nomination of William Henry Harrison,
of Ohio, for the office of President of the United States,
and of John Tyler, of Virginia, for the office of Vice-
President of the United States, by the late Whig con-
vention at Harrisburg, is hereby cordially approved
and ratified, and earnestly recommended to the sup-
port of the people of the United States.
Resolved, That to sustain the said nomination, the
young men of the Union should unite their zeal,*enthu-
siasm, and vigor, to the wisdom, experience and judg-
ment of their seniors; and to insure its triumph and
success, they should immediately adopt thorough and
efficient organization.
Resolved, That for that purpose it be recommended
to Democratic Whigs everywhere to form Democratic
Tippecanoe clubs, or Harrison associations, in the re-
spective towns, counties and cities of the States
which shall establish and maintain an active political
u6 Reminiscences of the
correspondence, and procure and circulate political
information.
Resolved, That these clubs and associations, when
formed, shall select and appoint the ablest and most
efficient orators to address the people on all proper oc-
casions, as may be deemed advisable, to proclaim the
truths of Republican liberty, and to expose the abuses
and corruptions of a spoils party which would enslave
the people by an odious and insufferable Federal des-
potism in the form of an unchecked and unbalanced
executive, arrogantly assuming the purse, dictating laws
of revenue and finance, recommending standing armies
in time of peace, demolishing the co-ordinate depart-
ments of the Federal Government, proscribing individ-
ual citizens, and daringly attacking the rights and
sovereignty of the States.
Resolved, That we will not yield or relax until the
great work of reform and of redress of grievances be
finished; and to insure perseverance to the end of this
noble but arduous struggle for civil and political lib-
erty, we will meet in our clubs at stated times, regu-
larly; we will print and publish useful matter; we will
address ourselves in every reasonable and respectful
form to our fellow-countrymen; and, finally, we will
immediately preceding the Presidential election in the
fall, at such times as the central clubs of the respective
States may appoint, assemble in State conventions
throughout the Union to consider of preparations for
the coming contest.
Resolved, That to carry out these resolutions the
"Republican Committee of Seventy-six," appointed by
apponents of the present administration, at public
meetings in the city of Washington, February I5th and
1 8th, 1840, and the " Young Men's Committee of Forty -
one" be, and the same are hereby, constituted the cent-
ral Democratic Tippecanoe club of the Union; and the
central Whig committee of the States, respectively, be,
and they are hereby, constituted the Democratic Tip-
pecanoe clubs or Harrison associations, whose duty it
shall be to correspond immediately for the formation
of city, town and county clubs, and to superintend all
Political Campaign of 1840. 117
the other interests of the great and glorious cause, to
which we here pledge our dearest devotion and most
patriotic exertions.
Resolved, That it be recommended to each delega-
tion to raise a free contribution of one dollar from each
of its members to support the opposition press at the
city of Washington, and generally to oppose the tyran-
nical tax upon the office-holders of the Presidential
party.
Resolved, That the fund thus raised shall be placed
in the hands of the executive committee of Seventy-
six at Washington.
These resolutions were unanimously adopted by the
convention, and the following was then offered and
adopted also:
Resolved, That the president of this convention be
requested to call on the several States, through their
vice-presidents, for brief statements of their present
political condition and prospects.
In pursuance of this resolution, the president of the
convention severally called on the following gentlemen,
who addressed the convention in regard to the current
of popular opinion in their several States, the ruin of
business and destruction of trade growing out of the
measures of the administration, the necessity that was
felt for a change, and the convictyDn experienced that
nothing but the election of General Harrison could
arrest the disasters that threatened to overwhelm them.
The names of the speakers were:
Mr. Babcock, of Rhode Island.
Mr. Eldridge, of Connecticut.
Mr. Clarke, of Missouri.
Governor Duncan, of Illinois.
Mr. Emory, of New Hampshire.
The Hon. Henry A. Wise was called for, and ap-
pearing at the front of the stand, thanked the conven-
tion for the honor they had done him, and assured
them that it would afford him great pleasure to address
them on an occasion so deeply interesting to his feel-
ings. He was sorry to say that the state of his health
would not permit such an effort. On Saturday last he
1 1 8 Reminiscences of the
had almost worn himself down in addressing twenty-
five hundred of his fellow-citizens of Delaware, and he
now found himself totally inadequate to the task of ad-
dressing twenty-five thousand. He hoped, however,
that his health would improve, and that he should yet
be able successfully to war against that system of gov-
ernment which had entailed on us so many evils.
The following gentlemen were, by the committee
appointed for the purpose, introduced to the thousands
who were present. They appeared on the stand in
the order in which their names follow:
Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Messrs. Wise, Hoff-
man, Preston, Graves, Curtis, Wm. Cost Johnson,
Williams, North Carolinia. Fillmore, Saltonstall, Jeni-
fer and Kennedy. Another shout for Clay and Web-
ster brought both of these gentlemen, arm-in-arm, to
meet the salutations of the people. Nine cheers greeted
them. Then followed Crittenden, of Kentucky; Hall,
of Vermont; Colonel Ely, of Philadelphia (who was at
the battles of Bunker Hill and Lexington); ex-Gover-
nor Thomas and Colonel Washington, of Maryland,
and numerous other distinguished gentlemen, all of
whom were recognized and welcomed by the thou-
sands of men determined to be free, assembled from
the sea-shore and the mountain-top.
" OLD MASSACHUSETTS."
Daniel B. King spoke for the "Old Bay vState."
Twelve hundred men had come 500 miles to represent
her. He told the people that her present governor
had been elected by only one majority, but that he
should go out by a vote of ten thousand majority
against him.
NEW YORK,
The Empire State. Mr. Reynolds, of her delega-
tion, said that all who knew her history for three years
past required no pledge of her devotion to the cause
of "• Harrison and reform." " Wake her up at two
o'clock in the morning, and she can, whilst rubbing
her eyes, vote down Martin Van Buren."
Political Campaign of 1840. 119
VERMONT.
Mr. Hopkins said the " Green Mountain boys" had
a thousand majority for Harrison, and that they could
"do their own voting and righting."
PENNSYLVANIA,
The Keystone State. Mr. Brady proclaimed that
next fall Pennsylvania should be found "right side
up," that "she never was a Van Buren State." That
"when Van Buren was a candidate for the Vice-Presi-
dency, she threw away her vote rather than to vote
for him." He pledged th'at she would give 20,000
majority for old Tippecanoe at the next Presidential
election.
Mr. Southard, for the "Jersey Blues," said they
were not yet subdued. "She was not depressed in
the Revolution, she was not depressed now. When
she speaks again it will be in no small voice, and she
will teach a lesson to the wretched men who have
dared to insult her they will never forget.
"Corruption," said Mr. Southard, "has made the party
in power deaf, but the noise from Fort Meigs will
open their ears." •
VIRGINIA.
Mr. Wilson of the " Old Dominion," appeared for
her. He said she had just spoken for herself. A
shout for Wise brought him out again. Though he
was evidently in ill-health, the people were almost
crazy to see and hear him. " I have," said Mr. Wise,
"been speaking so long against this wicked and corrupt
administration, that I have worn out the best pair of
lungs ever given to man."
Mr. Edwards from Ohio, the Buckeye State, re-
marked that as speeches were all the go, he would give
a song. And he did so, and a good speech also. He
said they had a barrel of hard cider to bet that Ohio
would give the largest majority for Harrison of any.
State in the Union. Who'll take that bet?
Mr. Humes, of Tennessee, was in mourning for
Hugh Lawson White. He commenced by remarking
12O Reminiscences of the
that " On the mountains of Tennessee, the Whig fires
were blazing." When he spoke in memory of Judge
White, who, he stated had "died a martyr to free-
dom," the convention felt the justness and propriety
of the remark.
Ex-Governor Duncan, from Illinois, appeared for
that noble State. When he said the "Prairies were on
fire " and that the alarm was sounded, the shout of
the multitude responded to the declaration that Van
Burenism was extinguished in that "Jackson State."
Said Governor Duncan, she was formerly Jackson and
Van Buren, the latter of whom is now entirely repu-
diated, so ruinous are the measures of his administra-
tion.
While the gentlemen mentioned above were ad-
dressing the convention, a portion of the delegations
withdrew to the side of the second rostrum, and called
upon several of the gentlemen upon it, who succes-
sively addressed them.
The first speaker was Mr. Clay, a sketch of whose
address we subjoin.'
MR. CLAY'S ADDRESS.
Mr. Clay commenced by reference to the northwest
wind, which blew almost a gale, and compared it hap-
pily to the popular voice of the immense multitude
who were present. Difficult as it was to be heard by
such a throng, he said he could not refrain from obey-
ing the general summons and responding to the call.
He was truly grateful for the honor conferred upon
him. "This," said he, "is no time to argue; the time
for discussion has passed; the nation has already pro-
nounced its sentence. I behold here the advance
guard. A revolution by the grace of God and the will
of the people will be achieved. William Henry
Harrison will be elected President of the United
States.
"We behold," continued Mr. Clay, in his emphatic
and eloquent manner, "the ravages brought upon our
country under the revolutionary administrations of the
present and the past. We see them in a disturbed
Political Campaign of IS 40. 121
country, in broken hopes, in deranged exchanges, in
the mutilation of the highest Constitutional records of
the country. All these are the fi uits of the party in
power, and a part of that revolution which has been
in progress for the last ten years. But this party," Mr.
Clay thought he could say, "had been or was demolished.
As it had demolished the institutions of the country, so it
had fallen itself. As institution after institution had
fallen by it; and with them interest after interest, until
a general and wide-spread ruin had come upon the
country, so now the revolution was to end in the
destruction of the party and the principles which had
been instrumental in our national sufferings.
"This," said Mr. Clay, "is a proud day for the patriot.
It animated his own bosom with hope, and I," he
added, "am here to mingle my hopes with yours, my
heart with yours, and my exertions with your exertions.
Our enemies hope to conquer us, but they are deluded
and doomed to disappointment."
Mr. Clay then alluded most happily, and amid the
cheers of all around him, to the union of the Whigs.
"We are," said he, "all Whigs; we are all Harrison
men. We are united. We must triumph.
"One word of myself," he said, referring to the na-
tional convention which met at Harrisburg in Decem-
ber last. "That convention was composed of as en-,
lightened and as respectable a body of men as were
ever assembled in the country. The} met, deliberated,
and after a full and impartial deliberation, decided that
William Henry Harrison was the man best calculated
to unite the Whigs of the Union against the present
executive. General Harrison was nominated, and
cheerfully and without a moment's hesitation I gave my
hearty concurrence in that nomination. From that
moment to the present, I have had but one wish, one
object, one desire, and that to secure the election of the
distinguished citizen who received the suffrages of the
convention.
"Allow me here to say," continued Mr. Clay, "that
his election is certain. This I say, not in any boasting
or over-confident sense; far from it. But I feel sure
122 Reminiscences of the
that there are twenty States who will give their votes
for Harrison. Do not the glories of this day authorize
the anticipation of such a victory? I behold before
me more than twenty thousand freemen, and is it an-
ticipating too much to say that such an assembly as this
is a sign ominous of triumph?"
Mr. Clay then warned his friends of two great errors
in political warfare — too much confidence and too
much despondency. Both were to be feared. There
should be no relaxation. The enemy were yet power-
ful in numbers and strong in organization. It became
the Whigs, therefore, to abstain from no laudable ex-
ertion necessary to success. Should we fail, he added,
should Mr. Van. Buren oe re-elected, which calamity
God avert, though he would be the last man to despair
of the Republic, he believed the struggle of restoring
the country to its former glory would be almost a hope-
less one. That calamity, however, or the alternative,
was left with the twenty thousand Whigs here assem-
bled.
" We received our liberty." said Mr. Clay in con-
clusion, "from our Revolutionary ancestors, and we are
bound in all honor to transfer it unimpaired to our
posterity. The breeze which this day blows from the
right quarter is the promise of that popular breeze
which will defeat our adversaries and make William
Henry Harrison the President of the United States."
MR. WEBSTER'S ADDRESS.
Mr. Webster was now loudly called for, and ad-
dressed the multitude from another quarter of the
stage to the following effect:
Mr. Webster said that he ''feared the attempt to make
himself heard would be a vain one. Never before
had the land in which we lived seen a spectacle like
the present. We count men by the thousands, and
they are here from the borders of Canada and the
rivers of Georgia. They are here from the sea-coast
and the heart of .the country. The States are here —
every one of them through their representatives. The
* Old Thirteen' of the Republic are here from every
Political Campaign of 1840. 123
city and every county, between the hills of Vermont
and the rivers of the South. The new thirteen, too,
are here, without a blot or stain upon them. The
twenty-six States are here. No local or limited feeling
has brought them here — no feeling but an American
one — a hearty attachment to the country. We are
here with the common sentiment and the common
feeling that we are one people. We may assure
ourselves that we belong to a country where one part
has a common feeling and a common interest with the
other.
" The time has come," continued Mr. Webster, "when
the cry is change. Every breeze says change. Every
interest of the country demands it-. The watch worid
and the hope of the people is that William Henry
Harrison should be placed at the head of affairs. We
may assure ourselves," said Mr. Webster, "that this
change will come — come to give joy to the many, and
sorrow only to the few. Mr. Van Buren's administra-
tion is to be of one term and of one project, and that
project, new to us, not yet consummated. It is new to
our country, and so novel that those with whom it
originated, after hammering it for years, have not been
able to give form or shape to the substance.
"All agree, "continued Mr.Webster,"that we have hard
times, and many," he amusingly remarked, "supposed
the remedy to be hard cider." Changing his subject and
his manner, he exhorted in a strong and stentorian
voice the members of the convention to go hence fully
impressed with a solemn sense of the obligations they
owed to the country. "We were called upon to accom-
plish not a momentary victory, but one which should
last at least half a century. It was not to be expected
that every year, or every four years, would bring
together such an assemblage as we have now before us.
The revolution should be one which should last for
years, and the benefits of which should be felt forever.
Let us, then, act with firmness. Let us give up our-
selves entirely to this new revolution. When we see
the morning light grow bright it is the sign of the
noon-day sun. This sign around me is no less lumin-
124. Reminiscences of the
uusofthe brightness which is to succeed the present
rays of light.
"Go to your work, then," said Mr. Webster, in con-
clusion;" "I will return to mine. When next we meet,
and wherever we meet, I hope to say that this Conven-
tion has been the means of good to you and to me and to
all. I go to my appropriate sphere and you to yours —
each to act, I trust, for the good of the country in the
advancement of the cause we all have so much at
heart."
Mr. Webster retired, as Mr. Clay did, amidst the
plaudits of the thousands in hearing.
Mr. John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, succeeded Mr.
Webster upon the rostrum. "What have you come here
for?" said Mr. Sergeant. "I will answer. To bring back
to the people, and through the log cabins of the coun-
try the neglected and lost Constitution. In the man
you have selected for your suffrages, you have one pos-
sessing those qualifications in which the head of this
administration is most deficient — political integrity.
He is the disciple of Washington — of his school and of
his instruction. In his hands the country will be safe,
that which has been lost, in him will be found again.
The unjust and unskillful men in power have run our
national engine from the track made by George Wash-
ington. He, the father of the Republic, left good ad-
vice to his successors, but some of them, alas! have dis-
regarded it, and driven this engine from the track..
" It is for the disciple of Washington to place it on
again. As Harrison received from Washington les-
sons of wisdom which he regarded when young, so he
will maintain them when called, like Washington, to
maintain the honor of the country. No change," said
Mr. Sergeant, "can be for the worse. Through Har-
rison we shall be brought to safety. In the history of
the world there is hardly a calamity recorded greater
than our own in the mal-administration of public offi-
cers. In war there has been no greater calamity.
" Let us, then, go back as near as we can to the times of
that illustrious man, George Washington, whom Gen-
eral Harrison, both in his private and public life, so
Political Campaign of 1840. 125
much resembles. Washington when a young man was
a surveyor. Harrison when quite a youth was a pio-
neer in the wilderness and a companion of the brave
General Wayne. It was the name of Harrison which
had brought more than twenty thousand people here;
of Harrison who had fought and gained the battle of
the country. The people will elect him, for he is the
candidate1 of the people."
The Hon. William C. Preston, the eloquent and dis-
tinguished senator from South Carolina, next re-
sponded to the call of the convention. '• This," said
he, "is the happiest day of my life. I see here the con-
summation of almost all that I had hoped for from the
earliest day I entered public life. I hate tyranny, and
from my infancy was taught to despise a Tory. I was
born a Whig, and am yet a Whig. The Whigs have
met here," continued Mr. Preston, "to bring peace and
prosperity to the land, and I take pleasure in express-
ing the belief that the man of their choice will main-
tain and strengthen and consolidate the great national
institutions and enterprises of the country."
Continuing his remarks, Mr. Preston alluded to the
self-denying, magnanimous and patriotic conduct of
Henry Clay. The eulogium was the most eloquent we
have heard, and the audience heard it with interest and
delight. Returning to General Harrison, he said, " I
will devote to him my labor, my thoughts, my person
and my purse. I regard the Ohio farmer as a true and
devoted patriot, and I would the news of this day's
meeting could be borne to him upon the wings of the
wind."
Mr. Preston, in concluding his remaks, said he was a
Southern man, and happily, in connection with this
subject, did he allude to the recent demonstration of
opinion from the " Old Dominion." "Harrison, too," he
was proud to say, "was a Virginian born and a son of a
signer of the Declaration of Independence. He sprung,
too, from the best of the Anglo Saxon blood. He was
a descendant of that Harrison who, in the reign of the
tyrant Charles, said that 'as he was a tyrant I slew
him." Who," said Mr. Preston, "can boast of better
126 Reminiscences of the
blood in his veins than this descendant of the king-de-
stroying, despot-killing, tyrant-hating Harrison?1'
Mr. Preston, in a manner peculiar to himself, after
exhorting the Whigs to use their anticipated triumph
as not abusing it, left the grave for a moment for the
gay. "Alas, poor Democrats! farewell, dear Loco
Focos! you have had your day. Every dog has his
day! It is necessary, Mr. Van Buren, that you should
go for diminished wages, and the country says you shall
go for diminished wages ! " Again, Mr. Preston drew a
happy picture of the 4th of March, 1841. He supposed
that Prince of Democrats, Martin Van Buren, to be
here in his coach and four horses. Following him
comes Amos Kendall, and succeeding him Levi Wood-
bury with his empty bags, and still behind these worth-
ies, the head of the War Department, Mr. Poinsett, the
author of the system for two hundred thousand militia
and thirty-four bloodhounds. " I see them now," said
Mr. Preston, "in my mind's eye. They come from
Washington, are seen at Fell's Point, now at Canton,
and some one says to the party, there is the race-course
where met the national convention in May last."
Again Mr. Preston changed his manner and in a
burst of eloquence which electrified his hearers, ex-
horted them to go into the possession of the adminis-
tration of public affairs with clean hands and honest
hearts; and first of all to proscribe that system of pro-
scription which had dishonored the country. "Let us
wash the ermine and purify the seats of government."
Mr. Preston also made a happy allusion to Cincinnatus
the plowman, citizen and general. In many respects
Harrison was like him, but the spectacle of selecting
the humble American citizen to rule over the nation
was of the moral sublime, and far eclipsed anything in
Grecian or Roman history.
•' In General Harrison," said Mr. Preston, in conclu-
sion, "I believe in after time we may be able to say
that the country has a second Washington in the sec-
ond Harrison. When this day comes, and God speed
the time, for one, I will be content, rest satisfied, leave
the field of labor and say, like one of old, 'Now, Lord,
Political Campaign of 18 40. 127
lettest Thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have
seen Thy 'glory.'"
Mr. Preston was followed by Hon. S. Southard, of
New Jersey, who made a brief and eloquent address.
His allusions to New Jersey were very happy, and we
regret that we are without room to publish them.
Mr. Graves, of Kentucky, followed with a forcible
and stirring appeal. Others would have spoken, but
the hour admonished an adjournment.
The president then announced that the lateness of
the hour and the fatigue which they had undergone
rendered it necessary to suspend further proceedings
for the day, and he submitted a motion that the con-
vention adjourn to meet on Tuesday morning, 5th inst.,
in Monument Square, at nine o'clock.
The convention adjourned accordingly, at 4 o'clock.
MEETING IN MONUMENT SQUARE TUESDAY, MAY 5, 1840.
Monument square was thronged through the morn-
ing and the day. The president of the convention,
John V. L. McMahon, Esq., presided with great dig-
nity, and perfect order prevailed among the mass.
Pursuant to the adjournment of yesterday, thousands
assembled to hear the further deliberations of the con-
vention.
The crowd was so great that it was impossible for
those on the outskirts to hear the speakers from the
rostrum elevated in front of the court-house, and a sepa-
rate rostrum being erected, several distinguished Whigs
came forward at the call of the people and addressed
them from it.
•Mr. McMahon, the president of the convention, an-
nounced that in furtherance of the resolution adopted
yesterday, the several vice-presidents or other persons
representing them from the several States, would in-
form them of the prospects of the Whig party in the
State from whence they came, and be accordingly in-
troduced:
Mr. Dillett, Alabama ; Mr. Thompson, Delaware ;
Mr. Stanley, North Carolina; Mr. Willis, Maine; Mr.
Graham, Louisiana; Mr. WicklifFe, Kentucky; Mr.
128 Reminiscences of the
Allen, District of Columbia; Mr. Robertson, Georgia;
Mr. Emory, New Hampshire; Mr. Proffit, Indiana;
Mr. Dawson, Micnigan; Mr. Bryan. South Carolina;
Mr. Tyler (a grand-son of General Putnam), Con-
necticut; , Rhode Island; Mr. Wise, Virginia;
Mr. Stannard, Virginia, who addressed the convention
with great power and effect. Their speeches were re-
sponded to by repeated cheers from the assembled
multitude, who presented a living mass covering a
large space of ground as far as the voice could reach,
and who remained upon the ground from early in the
morning until the convention adjourned for dinner.
INDIANA.
Mr. Proffit spoke eloquently and effectively for this
State. He called upon the Whigs of the Union to
reason mildly and kindly with their political oppo-
nents. He said the patriotism of the American people
was sound to the core, and he earnestly hoped every
delegate to this convention would go to his home and
endeavor to reason with and conciliate his neighbor.
Such a course, and such a course only, was the proper
one. Whilst he lived he was for the Whigs.
NEW YORK.
Mr. King spoke eloquently this morning for those
he represented. "All the local differences of that State
were settled," said Mr. King, "and she would, on the
day of election, be foremost in the ranks."
OHIO.
Mr. Frazier said he was from North Bend, Harri-
son's own log cabin, where the string of the latch was
never pulled in, and if he were Loco Foco to the core,
he would be compelled to hurrah for Harrison's mili-
tary achievements, as he used, when a boy, to hurrah
for General Jackson. In his county, at the recent elec-
tion, there were sixty-four Van Buren candidates, only
one of whom was elected, and he avowed afterwards
that he was elected by Whig votes.
KENTUCKY.
Governor Pope, of Kentucky, being called for, ad-
dressed the assemblage for a considerable length of
Political Campaign of 1840. 129
time, in a peculiarly happy manner. He said he was
once a Jackson man, but that he "had now come to
atone for past mistakes."
The speaking went on during the day from several
stands. We can but briefly refer to the speakers.
Among the members of Congress were Henry Clay
and Wm. C. Preston, of the Senate
Both of these distinguished gentlemen spoke with
that feeling of popular enthusiasm to be expected from
the cheering signs and congratulations around them.
Mr. Clay was received with enthusiastic demonstra-
tions of applause, and his stirring appeals and forcible
pictures of the sad experiments brought upon the coun-
try, prompted a response in every bosom.
Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, was hardly less elo-
quent than on Monday, and none the less interesting
to those who heard him, for many now heard him for
the first time.
Mr. Legare, of South Carolina, also made an elo-
quent and spirited address. Few men in the country
have more power to interest, and no one has a more
brilliant imagination with which to illustrate the good
or bad principles of a government.
Mr. Stanley, of North Carolina, spoke eloquently
from the court-house rostrum, and after a stirring
address of an hour, the cry was, " On, Stanley, on! "
Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, was also called for, and
introduced to the convention by the president. The
appearance of the bold and talented Virginian was
responded to by the thousands present in loud and
repeated cheers. Mr. Wise, though much indisposed,
spoke with great energy and power, and especially in
reference to the many national peculiarities of his own
district, one of the most national of the Old Dominion.
"'There Harrison and Tyler both were born. There, too,
old Ben. Harrison, the signer of the Declaration of
Independence, and Patrick Henry, the renowned cham-
pion of our national independence, had their homes.
There also was fought the last naval battle of the Rev-
olution, and there sprung up Bacon's rebellion. The
history of the district was eventful, and it was a Whig
130 Reminiscences of the
district. The Old Dominion, God bless her! had now
joined his district, and Virginia was a Whig State,
ready to give her electoral vote to William Henry Har-
rison and John Tyler." Mr. Wise spoke eloquently and
with great effect. Retiring, he was greeted with the
hearty and unanimous applause of the convention.
Mr. Willis, of Maine, was introduced to the assem-
bled thousands by the president, and as one of the
vice-presidents, gave a good account of the Northeast
State. In the name of the Whigs of Maine he
promised ten electoral votes for Harrison and Tyler
upon the "ides of November."
No less interesting were the speech and pledge
given by Mr. Graham, another vice-president, from
the State of Louisiana. He, too, promised the electoral
vote of the Southwestern border State for Harrison
and Tyler.
Mr. Allen, of the District of Columbia, made a
report of the popular movements in the District, and
gave his reasons for the demonstration of public feel-
ing among a people who are unjustly deprived of the
right of suffrage.
Mr. J. N. Emory spoke for New Hampshire. The
work in the Granite State, he said, was an up-hill
business, but the delegates here present would promise
at least a spirited contest.
Mr. E. S. Thomas from North Bend, Ohio, and
formerly of Baltimore, made a spirited address, and
many happy illustrations drawn from the history of
the Government and the times.
Mr. Reynolds, of New York city, delighted his
hearers with a sensible and practical address upon the
character and importance of the contest.
Mr. Robertson, of Georgia, a true Southron, spoke
eloquently of Georgia. His address was brief, and
one of the best made in the convention. " Georgia,"
he said, "was awake to the importance of the coming
contest, and the fires kindled within her were of her
own irresistible and spontaneous lighting."
Mr. Wickliffe, of Kentucky; Mr. Bryan, of South
Carolina; Mr. Dawson, of Michigan; Mr. Tyler, of
Political Campaign of 1840. 131
Connecticut; Mr. Profrlt, of Indiana, Mr. Thompson,
of Delaware; Mr. Stannard, of Virginia, and others
also spoke, but in the crowd it was impossible to hear
the names of half who spoke or of the thousandth of
what was said.
Mr. Penrose, of Pennsylvania, offered the following
resolutions, which were seconded by Mr. Myers, of
the same State, and unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That the delegates from each State repre-
sented in this convention be, and they are hereby, re-
quested to raise by contribution of not exceeding one
dollar for each person, a sum of money for the use of
the bereaved family of Thomas H. Laughlin, carpen-
ter, of the Eighth ward of the city of Baltimore, and a
member of the convention, who was killed in the pro-
cession of yesterday, while in the exercise of the un-
doubted right of freemen peaceably to assemble and
deliberate upon the conduct of the officers of govern-
ment, "a right inestimable to them and formidable to
tyrants only."
Resolved, That the sum so raised be paid to the pres-
ident of the convention, to be by him applied for the
relief of the widow and children of our deceased fel-
low member, to whom we hereby tender our condol-
ence for his death in the glorious cause of his country.
At the close of the addresses the convention unani-
mously resolved to attend the funeral of the lamented
Laughlin, at four o'clock in the afternoon.
The convention then adjourned until 5 o'clock p. M.
FUNERAL OF THOMAS H. LAUGHLIN.
The solemn duty of committing the remains of Mr.
Laughlin to the grave was performed by the delegates
to the convention in a body. The procession, accom-
panied by a band of music playing a dead march,
moved from the late residence of the deceased, at the
corner of Light street and Guilford alley, between 4
and 5 o'clock, p. M., to the burial ground of the
Methodist Episcopal congregation. The chief marshal
of the convention, Capt. James O. Law, supported the
weeping and bereaved widow of the deceased from
132 Reminiscences of the
the carriage to the grave, where her condition was
most pitiable, as she stood convulsed with an agony of
grief at her sudden and irreparable loss. The ceremo-
nies, by the officiating clergyman, Dr. Baker, of New
York, were brief and impressive, at the close of which
the immense concourse returned to the city.
AFTERNOON.
At five o'clock the convention reassembled. The
president having taken the chair, the committee of
chairmen of the State delegations reported the follow-
ing resolution, which was seconded and advocated by
Mr. C. L. Talfourd, of Ohio, and unanimously agreed
to. The speech of Mr. Talfourd was one of great
beauty, exhibiting eloquence of the highest order, and
drew from the crowd loud, repeated and enthusiastic
cheers:
Resolved, That the president be directed to transmit
to Gen. William Henry Harrison and John Tyler, the
compliments of this convention, together with a copy
of its proceedings, signed by the president and secre-
taries.
The people called for more speakers, and thereupon
the vast assemblage was severally addressed by dis-
tinguished gentlemen from the different States.
Mr. Bradford, of Baltimore city, said it required
stronger nerves and cooler blood than his to withstand
the enthusiasm of the present occasion. As one of the
delegation from Baltimore, he had intended to remain
silent and listen to his brethren from abroad; but his
bosom was full of the inspiration which he had caught
from the scenes before him, and he could no longer
hold his peace. His speech throughout was full of
thrilling and patriotic sentiments, expressed with force
and listened to with attention.
Mr. S. T. Hurd, of Ohio, followed in an eloquent
and effective speech, some portions tof which were
particularly sarcastic and amusing.
"After listening," said Mr. Hurd, " to the eloquent
speeches of the most, talented men in the nation, he
had lost all confidence in his ability to entertain, for a
Political Campaign of 1840. 133
single moment, the vast assemblage before him. They
had been hearing big guns; he could not hope to enter-
tain them with a mere pistol shot. But when called to
raise his voice on an occasion like this, he would not
shrink from a duty which he owed to those who had
sent him here, because he might not be able to perform
his duty so acceptably as others."
He "felt proud to stand there as the representative of
a portion of that State which would claim the distin-
guished honor of 'offering her Cincinnatus to redeem
the Republic,' and in and near which were laid the
scenes of many of his brilliant achievements.
His brother delegates from the Buckeye State had
given "eloquent and stirring accounts of her southern
and central counties, and it devolved upon him to say a
word for old Cuyahoga, who never slumbered at home;
and he would be sorry to find her napping here. She
and her sister counties, constituting the 'Western Re-
serve,' of which he could speak more definitely than
of other portions of the State, were 'under bonds'
to give ' Old Tip' a heavy majority in the coming con-
test. No one could calculate on the number that might
slip the collar between this and November."
He knew of "many in his vicinity whose necks had be-
come so sore from wearing the iron collar of the admin-
istration that they found it extremely difficult to swal-
low their accustomed doses of Loco Focoism. They
began to acknowledge that they felt also an extreme
pressure about the chest. The doctors had recom-
mended Harrison plasters (not shin plasters) applied
to the parts affected, and think they will find perfect
relief by the fourth of March next.
Mr. Hurd retired from the stand amid the deafening
cheers of the immense multitude, and was succeeded
by Mr. Grund, of Philadelphia, who stated that "he was
a native German; that like others of his countrymen,
he had come here from his native land, with a bosom
swelling with the love of liberty. There was a charm
in the name of Democracy — that name had long de-
ceived his countrymen who had emigrated hither, but
thank God, the scales were falling from their eyes,
134 Reminiscences of the
and they were beginning to distinguish between the
substance and the shadow. The Germans in his vicin-
ity were coming over by hundreds to the Harrison
standard. He had been the political friend and the
biographer in German and English of Martin Van Bu-
ren. He was now the friend and biographer of Gen-
eral Harrison".
Mr. English, of Philadelphia, next took the stand.
"He had," he said, "heretofore been a supporter of the
administration of General Jackson and Martin Van
Buren;" he had "listened to their promises of re-
trenchment and reform;" he had "pondered upon the
seductive arguments which the party had put forth to
gull and deceive the people;" he had "witnessed the
manner in which those promises had been fulfilled, or
rather in which they had failed; and, as a true Ameri-
can and friend of his country, he could no longer wink
at the corruptions of the present administration."
The committee of chairmen of the State delegations
also submitted the following resolutions, which were
seconded by Mr. McQuern, of North Carolina, and
unanimously adopted by the convention:
Resolved, That the members of this convention en-
tertain a most grateful sense of the generous hospitality
of the citizens of Baltimore, who have, by receiving
us as guests, evinced their devotion to the cause in
which we are engaged, and given to the country an-
other evidence of their enlightened and zealous pa-
triotism; and that we shall return to our homes cheered
by their confidence and resolved individually to imi-
tate their patriotic example.
Resolved, That the generous liberality, the untiring
devotion, and the judicious plans of the Baltimore com-
mittee of arrangements demand their most hearty ac-
knowledgments.
The president having temporarily retired from the
chair, Mr. Gill, of Ohio, on behalf of the committee of
chairmen, offered the following resolution; which was
adopted by acclamation:
Resolved, That the unanimous thanks of this con-
vention be and they are hereby tendered to John V. L.
Political Campaign of 1840. 135
McMahon, Esq., president of the convention, for the
prompt, dignified and successful manner in which he
has presided over its deliberations.
After the adoption of this resolution, Mr. McMahon
again appeared before the people, and expressed his
acknowledgments for the distinguished honor which
had been conferred upon him in elevating him to the
dignity of presiding over this convention of the elite of
the young men of our country, and for the additional
maik of kindness which had been shown in the
adoption of the last resolution. He then proceeded to
address the large assemblage before him with a fervor
and energy of eloquence, which, we believe, he never
surpassed; and which called forth, at every sentence,
the most rapturous and hearty applause. He closed
by saying that as the organ of the convention, he had
hitherto not felt at liberty to present any resolution or
proposition of his own, but now as they were about
to separate, after two days spent in such a manner
that would long make every member recall the recol-
lections of this time with a glow of pleasure and
pride ; and as he sincerely wished that all those now
before him should meet together once more in this
world, he would submit for their adoption a resolution
that when this convention adjourns, it should adjourn
to meet in Washington on the 4th day of March, 1841,
to attend the inauguration of President William Henry
Harrison. This resolution, we need scarcely say, was
adopted unanimously, and amidst the most enthusiastic
cheering. The convention then adjourned.
OTHER MEETINGS AND INCIDENTS.
After the adjournment of the great meeting on
Monday at the Canton ground, a large number, con-
sisting of portions of various delegations, guests at
the Eutaw House, spent the remainder of the after-
noon in the social enjoyments of the table, rendered
doubly refreshing by the active exercise and excite-
ment of the previous part of the day. After the cloth
was removed, General McDonald, of Virginia, was
called to the chair, and at his right was placed Mr.
136 Reminiscences of the
Homer, of New Jersey, who was introduced to the
company as the gentleman who, at the Harrisburg
convention, last December, offered the resolution
which gave birth to the Young Men's Whig Conven-
tion of the 4th of May in Baltimore.
Upon this announcement, the company all rose and
received Mr. Homer with cheers. The toasts, speeches,
and songs were all good, and were worthy of being
specially particularized, if the means were at hand
of preserving them. The Hon. C.B. Penrose, of Penn-
sylvania, being present, a toast was offered allud-
ing to him as a Pennsylvania senator, expelled by
lawless violence from the senate chamber. In reply
to this toast, Mr. Penrose spoke with great eloquence.
He referred to the incident alluded .to in the toast, and
spoke of it as an act perpetrated by the same hand
which had recently obliterated New Jersey from the gal-
axy of States, and which before had expunged the sacred
record of the Senate of the United States. He dwelt
upon the fearful prevalence of the spirit thus rife
throughout the land, and threatening destruction to all
principles of Constitutional liberty, dear to every true
American heart. Mr. Penrose spoke twice during the
festival, being called up by special allusions, and in both
addresses he gave an able exposition of the Demo-
cratic-Whig principles which are the real basis of the
present organized opposition to the administration.
In reference to his own course during the Harrisburg
riots, he showed how his conduct had been in strict
accordance with the law of the Commonwealth. He
spoke of the state of feeling now prevailing in Penn-
sylvania: of the great reaction which was going on
among the sensible yeomanry of that State. "Virginia
and Pennsylvania," said Mr. Penrose, "have always
gone together; and now that the Old Dominion has
thrown off the yoke, the hour of Pennsylvania's deliv-
erance is at hand.
Speeches were made by gentlemen from Alabama,
Tennessee, New Jersey and other States, according as
delegates from abroad happened to be present, the
wrhole affair being without previous arrangement and
Political Campaign of 1840. 137
most of the company being strangers personally to one
another. Yet, as each knew his neighbors to be good
Whigs, it was not long before a cordial fellowship
united all in excellent concord and good humor, so that
everything passed off in a very spirited manner. There
were no doubt similar festivals in other parts of the
city, the particulars of which, if known, would tend
still further to give some adequate idea of the general
state of things existing in the city during the last few
days.
AND STILL THE PEOPLE CALL FOR MORE SPEECHES.
Tuesday evening about 7 o'clock Monument Square
was again filled with an assemblage of five or six
thousand, consisting of large detachments from the
different delegations and citizens, all animated by the
same desire to hear the distinguished speakers whom the
occasion has brought here, which they had displayed
the foregoing day.
They were successively addressed by a number of
gentlemen. Among the speakers were Mr. Wickliffe,
Jr., of Kentucky; Mr. Patterson, of New York; Mr.
Crittenden, of Kentucky ; Mr. Bell, of Tennessee; Mr.
A. W. Bradford, Mr. Charles H. Pitts, Mr. Wallis, Mr.
Jenifer and Mr. Pope, of Kentucky. Mr. Reverdy
Johnson closed the series of speeches with a most vig-
orous and eloquent address, and the assemblage dis-
persed to their several quarters about 1 1 o'clock.
THE MURDER OF LAUGHLIN.
The circumstances connected with the killing of
Laughlin show the malicious and vicious opposition
to General Harrison, and hence we copy the following
from the Baltimore American of May 6, 1840:
" The shocking outrage which was perpetrated last
Monday on a respectable citizen of Baltimore, em-
ployed in the lawful exercise of his rights as a free-
man, will awaken a feeling of just and strong indigna-
tion, if we mistake not, throughout the whole country.
The Sun of yesterday, whose account corresponds
with the facts of the case so far as we have been able
to ascertain them, says:
138 . Reminiscences of the
" ' The particulars of this melancholy and disgraceful
affair, are these: As the procession was proceeding
down Baltimore street, a gang of half-grown boys was
marching up, carrying on the top of a pole a stuffed
figure, representing General Harrison as a petticoat
hero, and when they arrived near Howard street they
attempted to form in with the procession; Mr. Laughlin
stepped out of the ranks with the view to stop them,
when he received the blow over the head from a stick,
which deprived him of life. An inquest was held over
the body by A. H. Greenfield, Esq., coroner, and the
jury returned as a verdict that " he came to his death by
a blow from a stick, in the hands of some persons un-
known to the jurors." If these fellows came out for
the purpose of insulting and disturbing the procession,
they ought to have been arrested and severely punished
for their insolence and blackguardism.'"
Mr. Laughlin has left a wife and four children, one
an infant. He was a respectable mechanic, a carpen-
ter, residing on Federal Hill. The excitement in the
city is very great at this wanton and brutal murder.
We feel at present unprepared to comment upon it.
The act itself speaks in a language than which we can
add none stronger, nor is it easy to find any terms fit
to convey the feelings of indignation and horror which
such an outrage naturally inspires.
PETTICOAT SLANDER REBUKED.
The following letter from Gen. William S. Murphy,
in reply to a letter of inquiry, to the citizens of Erie,
Pennsylvania, sets at rest the vile slander put in circu-
lation by Major Allen:
Chillicothe, May 2, 1840.
GENTLEMEN: The only candid and true statement
of the matter that can be made, is this: that the charge
which was thus first made by Major Allen, of the Sen-
ate of the United States, whilst he was a subordinate
Political Campaign of 1840. 139
officer of my brigade, is, and was, utterly and absolutely
false. It has no sort of foundation whatever. Such a
thing never was done, never was intended to be done,
and never entered into the heads or the hearts of the
fair, virtuous and patriotic ladies of Chillicothe to do.
It was a falsehood in the beginning. It was concocted
and conceived as a falsehood, told and uttered as a
falsehood, published as a falsehood, and republished
as a falsehood, known to be false, received as false, and
talked about as false, ail over the Union, for years since
it was uttered.
In the convention of this State, held in Columbus,
not long after the publication of that falsehood, about
one hundred and fifty delegates (if my memory serves
me as to this number) from this county, branded the
charge as false, and their solemn attestation was re-
ceived and made part of the proceedings of the con-
vention; and the oldest and most respectable of our
citizens have done the same in their often-published
certificates.
With my best wishes for your welfare, I am, gentle-
men, yours, very respectfully,
W. S. MURPHY.
THJt PETTICOAT HERO.
It is too true General Harrison, as will be seen by
the following letter, has had something to do with the
"petticoats:"
A CARD.
Headquarters St. Mary's, Sept. 29, 1812.
General Harrison presents his compliments to the
ladies of Dayton and its vicinity, and solicits their
assistance in making shirts for their brave defenders
who compose his army, many of whom are almost
destitute of that article, so necessary to their health and
comfort. The materials will be furnished by the
quartermaster; and the general confidently expects
that the opportunity for the display of female patriot-
ism and industry will be eagerly embraced by his fair
countrywomen.
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.
140 Reminiscences of the
In consequence of this call, the ladies of Dayton and
its neighborhood, within ten days after it was received,
made up about eighteen hundred shirts for the use of
the army. They were made of calico furnished by the
Indian department, and from the annuities which had
been withheld from the tribes that had taken up arms
against the Americans.
A CURIOUS DOCUMENT.
A gentleman of the highest respectability, says the
editor of the Louisville Journal, has sent us the an-
nexed document, which he vouches for as genuine.
It was handed to him by one of the signers of it, a
half-breed Indian and a relative of Tecumseh.
Council Bluffs, March 23, 1840.
To GENERAL HARRISON'S FRIENDS: The other day.
several newspapers were brought to us, and peeping
over them, to our astonishment we find the hero of
the late war called coward. This would have sur-
prised the tall braves, Tecumseh of the Shawnees and
Round Head and Walk-in-the- Water of the Wyan-
dots. If the departed could rise again they would say
to the white man that General Harrison was the terror
of the late tomahawkers. The first time we got ac-
quainted with General Harrison, it was at the council
fire of the late old Tempest (General Wayne), at
Greenville, on the headwaters of the Wabash, 1796.
From that period until 1811, we had many friendly
smokes with him, but from 1812 we changed our to-
bacco smoke into powder smoke; then we found Gen-
eral Harrison was a brave warrior and humane to his
prisoners, as reported to us by two of Tecumseh's
young men who were taken in the fleet with Captain
Barclay on the loth of September 1813; and on the
Thames, where he routed both the British and red men,
Political Campaign of 1840. 141
and where he showed his courage and his humanity to
his prisoners both white and red — report of Adam
Brown and family taken the morning of the battle,
October 5, 1813. We are the only two surviving of
that day in this country. We hope the good white
men will protect the name of General Harrison.
We remain your friends foreveV,
CHAMBLEE, Aid to Tecumseh,
B. CALDWELL, Captain.
IN MISSOURI.
THE LOG CABIN RAISIN' — GLORIOUS DAY FOR ST.
LOUIS AND THE STATE — THE PEOPLE HAVE
COME!
Wre recognize among those who bore a prominent
part the names of some who were the supporters of
Colonel Benton and original Jackson men. There
were signs of a breaking up of the old party lines,
and of a reorganization of the people to assert their
own power, and to enforce their authority that could
not be understood. The following report is from the
St. Louis New Era:
We cannot believe that any friend of Harrison
could, in his most sanguine moments, have anticipated
so glorious a day, such a turn-out of the people, as was
witnessed on Tuesday last in this city. Everything
was auspicious. The heavens, the air, the earth, all
seemed to have combined to assist in doing honor to
the services, the patriotism and the virtues of William
Henry Harrison. Never have we seen so much enthu-
siasm, so much honest, impassioned and eloquent
feeling displayed in the countenances and bursting
from the lips of freemen. It was a day of jubilee.
The people felt that the time had come when they
could breathe freely — when they were about to cast
142 Reminiscences of the
from them the incubus of a polluted and abandoned
party, and when they could look forward to better
and happier days in store for them and for the country.
The city itself bore, in some respects, the remarkable
character of a Sabbath day. By the Whigs, and even
among the Democrats, there was little work done.
The doors of all places of business were closed, and
nothing was thought of on this carnival dav but joy
and gratitude. We noticed upon the ground people
from all parts of the State and of the Union, and they
can give to their neighbors and friends a true descrip-
tion of what they saw and heard. We shall, ourselves,
give such an account of the proceedings as our time
and opportunities permitted us to gather, leaving it
to the imagination to fill up the tout ensemble of the
picture. Any sketch of this kind must be necessarily
imperfect, for it is impossible for any one person to
see, hear, and describe everything that occurred.
Preparations had been made for the reception and
entertainment of the company, by the proper com-
mittees, at Mrs. Ashley's residence. The extensive
park was so arranged as to accommodate the throng
of persons who were expected. Seats were erected
for the officers of the day, for the speakers and for the
ladies. At the hour appointed by the marshal of the
day, the people commenced to assemble at the court
house, and several associations and crafts were formed
in the procession as they advanced on the ground.
While this was going on, the steamboats bringing del-
egations from St. Charles, Hannibal, Adams county,
111., and Alton, arrived at the wharf, with banners
unfurled to the breeze, and presenting a most cheering
sight. The order of procession, so far as we have been
able to obtain it, was as follows:
Music : Brass band.
1. Banner, borne by farmers from the northern part
of St. Louis township. This banner represented the
" Raising of the Siege of Fort Meigs " and bore as its
motto, "It Has Pleased Providence, We Are Victor-
ious." (Harrison's dispatch.)
2. Officers and members of the Tippecanoe club,
Political Campaign of 1840. 143
preceded by the president, Col. John O'Fallon. with a
splendid banner, representing a hemisphere surmounted
by an American eagle, strangling with his beak a ser-
pent, its folds grasped within its talons, and its head
having the face of a fox in the throes of death. Above
was a rainbow, emblematic of hope, in which was the
name of the club. Below the hemisphere was the motto,,
"The Victor iiTu, Will be the Victor in '40." On the
reverse side, the letters ".T. C." The members six
abreast.
3. Log cabin committee, six abreast.
4. The president and vice-presidents of the day.
5. Soldiers who served under Harrison in the late
war — in a car, adorned with banners on each side —
one, a view of a steamboat named Tippecanoe, with a
sign board, " For Washington City." On the other, a
view of the cabin at North Bend, the farmer at his
plow, with the inscription, " Harrison, the Old Sol-
dier, Honest Man, and Pure Patriot."
6. Invited guests in carriages.
7. Citizens on foot, six abreast, bearing banners in-
scribed, " Harrison, the Friend of Pre-emption Rights,"
" One Term for the Presidency;" "Harrison, the Peo-
ple's Candidate;" "Harrison, the People's Sober Sec-
ond Thought;" "Harrison, He Never Lost a Battle;"
" Harrison, the Protector of the Pioneers of the West;"
" Harrison, Tyler and Reform;" "Harrison, the Poor
Man's Friend;" "Harrison, the Friend of Equal Laws
and Equal Rights."
8. Citizens on horseback, six abreast.
9. Delegation from Columbia Bottom.
10. Canoe, " North Bend."
11. Boys with banners, upon one of which was in-
scribed, " Our Country's Hope," and on another, "Just
as the Twig is Bent, the Tree's Inclined."
These boys belonged to the several schools of the
city; were regularly marshaled, and presented, by the
regularity of their conduct, a most interesting spec-
tacle.
12. Laborers, with their horses and carts, shovels,
picks, etc., with a banner bearing the inscription.
144 Reminiscences of the
" Harrison, the Poor Man's Friend— We Want Work."
13. A printing press on a platform with banners, and
the pressman striking off Tippecanoe songs, and dis-
tributing them to the throng of people as they passed
along, followed in order by the members of the craft.
14. Drays, with barrels of hard cider.
15. A log cabin mounted on wheels, and drawn by
six beautiful horses, followed by the craft of carpenters
in great numbers. Over the door of the cabin, the
words, "The String of the Latch Never Pulled In."
16. The -blacksmiths, with forge, bellows, etc.,
mounted on cars, the men at work. Banner, " We
Strike for Our Country's Good."
17. The joiners and cabinet-makers; a miniature shop
mounted on wheels; men at work; the craft following it.
17. A large canoe, drawn by six horses, and filled
with men.
19. Two canoes, mounted, and filled by sailors.
20. Fort Meigs, in miniature. 40 by 15 feet, drawn by
nine yoke of oxen. The interior filled with soldiers,
in the usual dress of that day, hunting shirts, leggins,
leather breeches, etc.; and one of the men a participant
in the defense of Fort Meigs. At every bastion of
the fort the muzzle of a piece of ordnance protruded
itself, and from another point a piece of artillery was
fired, at short intervals, during the day. The whole
was most admirably got up, and reflects much credit
upon the friends of " Old Tip," to be found at the " Float-
ing Dock."
21. Delegation of brickmakers, with apparatus, clay,
etc., and men at work.
22. Delegation of bricklayers, with a beautiful ban-
ner, representing a log cabin, brick house going up,
etc., and followed by the craft, six abreast.
Band of music.
23. Delegation from Carondelet.
24. Delegation from Belleville, 111., with banners.
2^. Delegation from Alton, with canoe, drawn by
four horses, and banners representing the state of the
country, the peculiar notions of the Loco Foco party
about the reduction of the prices of labor to the stand-
Political Campaign of 1840. 145
ard of the hard-money countries of Europe and of Cuba;
a sub-treasury box, with illustrations, etc. One of the
banners bore the inscription, " Connecticut Election,
4,600 Majority; Rhode Island, 1,500 Majority;" and a
cunning looking fellow, with his thumb on his nose,
and twisting his fingers in regular Samuel Weller
style, saying, "You Can't Come It, Matty." This dele-
gation numbered about two hundred men.
26. Delegations from Hannibal and Pike counties
with banners, etc.
27. Delegation from Rockport with a log cabin,
canoe, banners, etc.
28. Delegation from St. Charles, with banners bear-
ing the names of the twenty-six States, borne by as
many individuals, and having with them a handsome
canoe drawn by four horses.
Arrived at the southern extremity of the park, the
procession halted and formed in open order, the rear
passing to the front. The president of the day, John
F. Darby, Esq., Mayor of St. Louis, soon afterwards
took his seat, assisted by J. Russel, J. P. Gratiot, J.
Perry, William Tyler, Robert Walsh, Dr. James W.
Moss, Thomas Sappington, H. Von Paul, Edward
Tracy, L. J. Chauvin, James Clemens, Jr. .John Porcelle,
John K. Walker, James McDonald, Samuel Mount,
John D. Daggett, James J. Wilkinson, William Carr
Lane, Frederick Hyatt, Thomas D. Yeats, John W.
Johnson, Stewart Matthews, John Bobb, William H.
Boyce, George Bushy, and Peter Lindell, as vice-presi-
dents. Charles D. Drake, Esq., then arose and ad-
dressed the assembled multitude.
The people were then successively addressed by Mr.
John Hogan, of Illinois, who, as was also Mr. Baker,
was called out several times during the day; by L. V.
Bogy, Logan Hunton, Lewis F. Thomas, Wilson
Primm, Benj. Lawhead, Jas. Denny, J. J. Hardin, of
Jacksonville, and J. L. Dorsey.
Colonel John O'Fallon was then called for, and
mounted on Fort Meigs, he thus addressed the people:
"My FELLOWT CITIZENS: I feel deeply sensible of
the honor you confer upon me by calling me to ad-
10
146 Reminiscences of the
dress this vast concourse of intelligent freemen. My
pursuits in life have led me into retirement; I am
wholly unused to speaking in public. This fact, al-
though well known to many of you, I had reason to
believe, would not excuse me on the present occasion.
Aware that my known acquaintance with the eventful
scenes which we have this day assembled to commem-
orate, is the only reason for this call, I shall, conse-
quently, in responding to it, state something of what I
know in relation to them.
"It was on the first day of February, 1813, that the
army of General Harrison pitched their tents upon,
and adjacent to, the ground where Fort Meigs was
erected, and commenced the construction of a stock-
ade, which was afterwards surrounded by a ditch and
embankments, embracing several acres of ground.
The snow was deep upon the ground, and the weather
extremely cold; and although the troops were raw and
greatly unaccustomed to such severe exposure, their
.ardor never abated. Under many deprivations, they
performed their several duties with zeal and alacrity;
that zeal and alacrity which spring from the soldier's
deep confidence in the tried skill and courage of his
commander, and his warm attachment to his person.
Early in April, 1813, the garrison of Fort Meigs num-
bered about 1,000 effective men; two brigades of
militia having been discharged in consequence of the
termination of their period of service. This fact being
early ascertained by the British general commanding
at Maiden, an expedition against Fort Meigs was im-
mediately projected. His army of British and Indians
was near 4,000 strong, and he gave his Indian allies the
most confident assurances that he could carry the
fort by storm, should his invitation to General Harri-
son to surrender with the honors of war be refused.
He had a heavy park of artillery, and this, with im-
agined weakness of our defenses, he fancied would
give him a ready and easy conquest of the fort. And
it was even stipulated between the British general and
the celebrated Tecumseh, that, should the garrison be
taken and General Harrison remain alive, the Ameri-
Political Campaign of 1840. 147
can commander was to be delivered to the Indian, who
designed to wreak upon him his savage vengeance for
the death of his many braves and warriors who fell at
the battle of Tippecanoe. Vain calculation! Vain,
this premediated purpose of base and barbarous
malice! The god of battles was with the. brave
American general, and he was reserved by a wise and
far-seeing Providence, to be, in after times, the proud
hope, the high blessings, the bright prospects, the
noble deliverer of his country.
" Fort Meigs was invested and cannonaded with
bombs shells and red-hot balls for seven days, during
all which time General Harrison was ever at the point
of danger, planning and directing the defense, and by
his manner, his .voice, his sagacious conduct, and his
undaunted courage, inspiring his officers and men with
an abiding confidence of ultimate victory. General
Proctor was at length driven to confess that he was
contending with a commander whose courage and
military talents were equal to any emergency; and
despairing of redeeming the pledge he had given to
his army, to make an easy conquest of the garrison,
and being informed by intercepted communication
that General Harrison was in daily expectation^ of
re-enforcements, he determined to effect that by strata-
gem which he now despaired of accomplishing by
open warfare. He calculated by a timely and well
concerted deception to decoy into an ambuscade a
large detachment of our garrison — then scarcely suffi-
cient effectually to man the defenses. Should he
succeed in this the ready sacrifice of the fort would
inevitably follow. Suddenly a brisk and sharp firing
was heard in a thick wood near the fort, through
which passed the road to the interior. The alarm
strongly represented, as it was designed to do, an
Indian engagement. Shortly afterwards loud wailing
and groans were heard, as would naturally proceed
from wounded and dying men. The whole garrison,
at once concluded that an attack was made on our
brothers in arms on their way to our relief, and who
had the strongest claim to our assistance. Not so,
148 Reminiscences of the
however, with General Harrison. He alone was
incredulous. Many of his officers waited upon him,
and almost demanded permission to. fly to the rescue.
For a time the greatest excitement prevailed in the
garrison at the idea of the sacrifice of their gallant
comrades without an attempt to save them. General
Harrison's sagacity caught the design of the enemy in
a moment, and it required the exercise of all his pow-
erful influence and authority to subdue the impetuosity
of his officers and men, and to convince them of this
cunning device of the enemy planned for their desruc-
tion.
"About 2 o'clock on the morning of the 5th of May,
1813, two officers came, expresses from Gen. Green
Clay, who had passed the Indian lines, under cover of
the night, at the most imminent hazard of their lives.
They brought information that General Clay, with his
brigade of Kentucky militia, was encamped on the
river, a few miles above the fort, to which he would
proceed early that morning. This was most cheering
intelligence to General Harrison; and with this addi-
tion to his force he determined at once to commence
offensive. operations by attacking the enemy at every
assailable point, dislodge them from their position,
destroy their batteries, and thus terminate the siege of
Fort Meigs. With this view, two officers were
immediatety dispatched to General Clay with orders
to land about a mile above the fort, on the opposite
side of the river, a detachment of 800 men under one
of his most trustworthy officers — to move upon the
British batteries, to carry them, spike the cannon,
destroy the ammunition with their carriages, and
immediately upon the accomplishment of this, to cross
the river to the fort under cover of our artillery.
"The brave Colonel Dudley did, in a most gallant
manner, take the British batteries and spiked some
pieces of their cannon; but. too confident of his own
strength, and ignorant of that of the enemy, to be soon
made available, he was induced, in violation of his in-
structions, to occupy the ground taken until the enemy
had time to collect their forces in an adjacent wood, into
Political Campaign of 1840. 149
which he was cunningly enticed by a partial firing of
a few Indians, where, after a bloody conflict, the larg-
est of his command was taken.
" General Harrison displayed, in the judgment of all
his officers, the highest order of military talent during
the siege, for his efficient plans of defense, by traveses
through and across the encampment, as a cover for his,
the manner of protecting his magazine, the object of
constant attack, as well as for the plan, direction and
most opportune execution of the grand objects of the
two sorties, made by detachments from the garrison of
Fort Meigs on the 5th of May, 1813.
" The first sortie was directed against that portion of"
the Indians and Canadian militia investing the south and
west end of the fort, for the purpose of drawing them
from the river, whilst General Clay's detachment was
effecting their entrance into the fort.
"The second sortie commenced its movement just at
the moment of their appearance, on the opposite side of
Dudley's detachment, advancing upon the British bat-
teries, having the double effect of engaging the Indians
and preventing them from crossing the river to co-op-
erate against Dudley, and accomplishing the destruc-
tion of the enemy's batteries on the southeast side of
the river.
"On no occasion during the last war were greater
honors acquired than by General Harrison, who con-
ceived and directed, and the gallent men who executed
his orders in these two brilliant sorties.
" In both engagements our troops, wrhilst utterly ex-
posed, advanced upon and repulsed the enemy, shel-
tered as he was by his position, and outnumbering our
men four to one.
" In the last sortie our men marched as firmly as vet-
erans to the very mouths of the British cannon, receiv-
ing, unmoved, their constant fire of grape shot, accom-
panied by a most galling and destructive fire from
thousands of Indians and militia on our front and flanks.
Although a large number of our men fell and perished
upon the field of honor, their surviving comrades never
paused in their forward march until the batteries, with
150 Reminiscences of the
a large portion of the British regulars in charge of
them, were captured, and the whole Indian and militia
force was dispersed and routed. Thus ended the
memorable siege of Fort Meigs.
"In conclusion, fellow-citizens, allow me to say that
I had the honor of serving under General Harrison at
the battle of Tippecanoe, during the siege of Fort Meigs,
and at the battle of the Thames. I can say that, from the
commencement to the termination of his military serv-
ices in the last war, I was almost constantly by his side.
I was familiar with his conduct as governor and super-
intendent of Indian affairs of the Territory of Indiana,
'and after the return of peace, as commissioner to treat
with all the hostile Indians of the last war in the
Northwest, for the establishment of a permanent rec-
onciliation and peace. I saw also much of General
Harrison whilst he was in the Congress of the United
States.
"Opportunities have thus been afforded me of know-
ing him in all the relations of life, as an officer and as a
man, and of being enabled to form a pretty correct
estimate of his military and civil services, as well as his
qualifications and fitness for office. I know him to be
open and brave in his disposition, of active and indus-
trious habits, uncompromizing in his principles, above
all guile and intrigue, and a pure, honest, noble-minded
man, with a heart ever overflowing with warm and
generous sympathies for his fellow-man. As a military
man, his daring, chivalrous courage inspired his men
with confidence and spread dismay and terror to his ene-
mies. In all his plans he was successful. In all his
engagements he was victorious. He has filled all the
various civil and military offices committed to him by
his country, with sound judgmentand spotless fidelity.
In every situation he was cautious and prudent, firm
and energetic, and his decisions always judicious. His
acquirements as a scholar are varied and extensive, his
principles as a statesman sound, pure and republican.
" If chosen President he will be the President of the
people rather than of a party. The Government will
then be administered for the general good and welfare.
Political Campaign of 1840. 151
His election will be the dawn of a new era! The
reform of the abuses of a most corrupt, prolifigate and
oppressive Government. Then will end the ten years'
war upon the currency and institutions of the country.
The hard-money cry and hard times will disappear
together. Then will cease further attempts to increase
the wages of the office-holders and reduce the wages
of the people to the standard of European labor.
" Then shall we see restored the general prosperity
of the people, by giving them a sound local currency,
mixed with a currency of a uniform value throughout
the land. The revival of commerce, of trade, enterprise
and general confidence. Then the return of happier,
more peaceful and more prosperous days, when cheer-
fulness and plenty will, once more, smile around the
poor man's table."
About sunset Fort Meigs was brought into the city
and stationed opposite the court-house, and an adjourn-
ment took place until after supper. At that time a con-
siderable portion of the toughest of the multitude re-
assembled, and were addressed until eleven o'clock by
Messrs. Geyer, Tunstall, Logan, John Bobb, Drake and
Captain Mallet in animated speeches, which were re-
sponded to with undiminished enthusiasm. About the
close of the meeting the following resolutions were of-
fered by Mr. Drake, and adopted with three cheers:
Resolved, That the Whig young men of St. Louis
county will respond to the call for a young men's con-
vention at Rocheport on the 2oth of June, and that the
cause of old Tippecanoe shall not suffer because they
are not on the ground.
Resolved, That five hundred of the real "log cabin
and hard cider boysr' of St. Louis county will stand at
a corner of the Rocheport cabin on the i8th, and join
in the convention of the zoth, when they hope to meet
ten thousand of their brethren and join with them in
doing honor to the farmer-statesman of the West.
Resolved, That a committee of twenty be appointed
to select the five hundred who shall go.
After the adoption of these resolutions, a song was
sung, and the company dispersed.
152 Reminiscences of the
Thtis ended this day's proceedings. Such a day of
political excitement never has been known in Missouri.
Such an assemblage of people has never taken place
within her borders. We do not wish to mislea'd bv
exaggerating the number who were in the park, but
we are certain that we fall short of, rather than over-
estimate it, when we put it at from eight to ten thou-
sand. This glorious day cannot soon be forgotten by
those who were present. The young and the old will
speak of it with mingled delight and wonder; and we
hope and believe that it is but the precursor of many
such meetings in Missouri, by which she may yet be
saved from the reproach of being the last State to de-
sert the fortunes of Mr. Van Buren.
TOM. CORWIN AT PORTSMOUTH.
The Hon. Thomas Corwin came down the river last
Wednesday in the steamer General Scott. So retired
and unassuming is he in his deportment, that the captain
and passengers were not aware who he was. But
scarce had the boat landed at our wharf before he was
recognized by some of our citizens. The word was
soon spread, and a crowd of our people gathered to-
gether at the American House, anxious to shake the
hand of this distinguished and talented son of Ohio.
The number soon became too large to enter any room
of the hotel, and they took their position on the paver
ment in front of the hotel and called for " Tom Cor-
win." This call brought Mr. Corwin to the platform
in front of the house, from which, for an hour and a
half, he addressed the assemblage in that eloquent and
forcible style so peculiarly his own, upon the leading
political topics of the day. He most justly sustained
his high reputation as a stump speaker, and left the
Whigs of Portsmouth proud of their candidate for
governor.
Political Campaign of 1840. 153
It is due to Captain Dustam* of the General Scott,
that it should be known, that as soon as he was in-
formed who his passenger was he kindly lay at the
wharf long enough to enable Mr. Corwin to receive the
visits of our people and to address them.
On leaving the wharf the boat passed up the river
near the opposite shore until above the upper part of our
town, when she turned round and passed down close
to the wharf. When opposite the hotel, her engine
was stopped for a few moments, and while floating in
the stream, the citizens along the street gave three
cheers for "Tom Corwin."
Mr. Corwin is on his way home to visit his family,
having obtained leave of absence for three weeks. He
has not yet resigned; and whether he resigns at all de-
pends upon the action of his constituents. — Portsmouth
Tribune.
WILLIAM C. RIVES,
A PATRIOTIC SON OF THE OLD DOMINION, COMES
STRAIGHT OUT.
Hon. William C. Rives, of Virginia, on the 22d of
February, ably addressed his fellow-citizens upon the
leading political topics of the day. having specially in
view the exhibition of Mr. Van Buren's unworthiness
for the executive office, and the propriety of sustaining
General Harrison in opposition to him. He sums up
his reasons for supporting Harrison in this manner:
" Regarding General Harrison, for reasons I have
mentioned, as the true Republican candidate for the
Presidency of the two now presented to the choice of
the country, I shall unhesitatingly give him my support.
I shall do so with the more cheerfulness because, while
best consulting thereby, as I honestly believe, those
great Republican principles which I have ever consid-
ered to be inseparably united with the happiness of my
country, I shall assist to confer its highest meed on an
154 Reminiscences of the
eminent citizen who has rendered it the most signal
and important services *at a time, when, to serve meant
something far other than merely to receive the emolu-
ments of office; on one who, having successively en-
joyed the confidence of Washington, Jefferson and
Madison, would be naturally prompted to emulate their
high example, who, in all the various and delicate trusts
he has held, has ever shown that he preferred his
country to himself, and has retired from all, amid the
numerous and alluring temptations they presented to
private gain, with clean hands and unsuspected honor,
neither guilty of infidelity himself nor winking at it
in others: and who now in the honorable retirement
of private life, combining the ennobling pursuits of the
agriculturist, the scholar and the patriotic citizen, is
emphatically one of the people, knowing how to ap-
preciate their interests, as well as to maintain and
defend their rights.
MEETINGS IN MAY.
GREAT WHIG MEETINGS IN MASSACHUSETTS AND
VERMONT.
Thousands of people from Springfield, Amherst,
Northampton and the adjacent country met at Green-
field on May 10. More than six thousand farmers
were there with their sunburnt faces and horny hands,
marching in procession that they might testify their
devotion to the cause of old Tippecanoe. The Deer-
field farmers wheeled into the procession with a team
of thirteen yoke of prime cattle, banners streaming from
the head of each. Bunches of ears of corn hung from
the sides of the huge car. But the most interesting
sight in the line was a company of five Revolution-
ary soldiers from Coleraine — their ages averaging 86 —
with these impressive words on their banner, "The
Last Blood of '76." There was an immense assemblage
Political Campaign of 1840. 155
of ladies and others on the brow of the hill, which
cheered each delegation as it passed. One of the ban-
ners had a Florida blood-hound dressed in military.
A large company of Vermont mountaineers were pres-
ent with a log cabin.
The convention was organized in a beautiful field in
the rear of the First Congregational church, Hon.
George Grinndl presiding. Patriotic speeches were
made by General Maltoon, a Revolutionary sage of 86
years, I. C. Bates, Myron Laurence, and General Wil-
son, of New Hampshire. At the close of the services
the assembly partook of "the soldier's fare" for the
old soldier's friend, at the log cabin. The highest en-
thusiasm prevails through the hills and valleys of New
England.
At old Feneuil Hall, Boston, there was a grand meet-
ing on the 1 2th of May to hear the report of the dele-
gates to the young men's national convention at Balti-
more. Speeches were made by Crozier and Hosmer,
of Tennessee, Wickliffe, of Kentucky, Governor Ever-
ett, and others. Hon. Edward Everett presided.
At a Whig meeting at Bennington, Vermont, on the
nth, there was a procession several miles long. In it
a wagon drawn by twenty-five yoke of oxen, and a
wagon containing one hundred ladies and drawn by
twenty-five horses, with the banner flying, "Vermont,
the Star that Never Sets."
VARIOUS MEETINGS.
THE TIPPECANOE CLANS ARE RALLYING FOR BATTLE
EVERYWHERE.
On the 2d, 3d, and 4th of June, there was a big
camp meeting of the friends of Harrison and reform at
Springfield, Illinois. It was largely attended by the
people of Sangamon, and all the surrounding counties,
and also from Missouri, Indiana, and Illinois, and was
156 Reminiscences of the
addressed by Edwards, Lincoln, Stewart, Linder, and
others. Upwards of 20,000 people were present, and
the zeal and enthusiasm kindled a flame that fairly set
the prairies on fire.
On the i5th there was a grand rally in Philadelphia.
The Pennsylvania Inquirer says:
" The meeting was one of the largest and most
enthusiastic ever held on any occasion in Philadelphia.
The hardy Democracy turned but in thousands, deter-
mined to omit no opportunity for the expression of
their sentiments against the existing dynasty, with its
sub-treasury and standing army, and in favor of
the long tried and deeply cherished hero and civilian,
whom the people are about to elevate to the Chief
Magistracy of the nation. Citizens of every class and
rank in society mingled in the multitude, all devoted to
the same cause, all animated by the same feeling, all
looking forward to the results of the coming struggle,,
as to the bright future which is to renerve the prostrate
arm of enterprise, and once more rouse the mechanic
and the manufacturer into activity and business. The
feeling throughout was of the right kind indeed — earn-
est and harmonious."
Among the banners were the following inscriptions:
"Third District— We Set the Ball in Motion;" on an-
other, "Kensington is Coming;" on a third, "This
Banner Was Displayed in 1813, by the People, After
the Defeat of Proctor, by General Harrison."
Spring Garden, Germantown. and Southwark,
turned out in great force; the Cohocksink boys were
also present with a neat banner; so also a deputation
from Delaware county, and from various parts of the
county of Philadelphia. When arrived at the square,
the scene was exciting, gratifying, and imposing in an
extraordinary degree. Even the most sanguine of
our friends, who expected a great meeting, "did not
venture to hope that a popular display, called at
a. brief notice, would have surpassed anything of
the kind that had taken place in Pennsylvania since
the commencement of the present Presidential cam-
paign."
Political Campaign of 1840. 157
The venerable John Ely, a soldier of the Revo-
lution, presided, assisted by a number of vice-presi-
dents.
A series of resolutions were offered by W. B. Reed,
Esq., and unanimously adopted. They went to ex-
press the sentiments of those present, in reference to
the abuses of the administration; the prostration of
credit and confidence produced by the policy of the
executive; the necessity for a change of rulers before
the country can be again made prosperous and happy;
the confidence of the people in the wisdom, the sa-
gacity, and patriotism of William Henry Harrison and
John Tyler, and the fixed resolve to use every honor-
able effort to promote the elevation of those distin-
guished citizens to the highest offices in the gift of a
free people.
After the adoption of the resolutions, the celebrated
"Ohio Blacksmith," Mr. Bear, made his appearance,
and was received with shouts of applause. He threw
off his coat, rolled up his sleeves, and, for the space of
nearly two hours held the attention of the meeting in
a speech of great argumentative power and effect, en-
livened and illustrated by choice and appropriate
anecdotes.
The meeting was further addressed by Major
Conover, of North Bend; the Hon. Waddy Thompson,
of South Carolina; Mr. Pope, of Tennessee; Mr. Jeni-
fer, of Maryland; Mr. Grinnell, of New York, and sev-
eral other gentlemen.
There was a grand rally at St. Louis, July 16, at
which Hon. S. S. Prentiss delivered one of the
most eloquent speeches that ever fell from the lips
of ma'n.
The Whigs of Vermont met in a monster conven-
tion on the 4th, and chose Hon. Solomon Foot presi-
dent, and fourteen vice-presidents. Hon. Samuel C.
Craft and Hon. Ezra Meek were chosen electors for
the State-at-large. The old State officers were nomi-
nated with entire unanimity. The Whitehall Chroni-
cle says:
The assemblage was, by far, the largest ever known
158 Reminiscences of the
in Vermont, and variously estimated at from 10,000 to
15,000.
This vast assemblage, from every county in the
State, was early erganized under the direction of Col.
H. Thomas, marshal of the day, in procession and
marched through the principal'streets of the village,
then to College hill, thence north to Pearl street, down
which to the square, at which time the last of the pro-
cession were just falling into line. It was more than
three miles long.
In the afternoon the people were addressed from a
platform in front of the court house by Messrs. Adams
and Upham, of Vermont; E. D. Culver, of New
York, and General Wilson of New Hampshire, with
their usual eloquence and ability, for more than six
hours. Acres of men were listening to them with an
intensity of interest commensurate with the great
objects for which they were assembled.
At Worcester, Massachusetts, there was a mighty
gathering of Whigs. The following electors were
chosen: Isaac M. Bates, Peleg Sprague, Robert G.
Shaw, Stephen C. Phillips, Rufus Longley, Sydney
Willard, Ira M. Benton, George Grennell, Thaddeus
Pomeroy, Samuel Mixter, Thomas, French, Wilks,
Wood, Joseph Tripp and John B. Thomas.
There was a large meeting at Westminster, Mary-
land. Jacob Matthias was president; Thomas Hook
vice-president, and Elias Youghing. which was ad-
dressed by William Pitts and others.
At Tuscaloosa, Alabama, June ist, over one thousand
Whigs met in convention, and were presided over by
Judge Hunter, who had headed the Van Bure,n elec-
torial ticket in 1836, and had voted the party ticket
since. They nominated for Presidential electors Ar-
thur F. Hopkins, James Abercrombie, John Gayle,
Henry W. Hilliard, Thomas Williams, Harry J.
Thornton and Nicholas Davis. The gathering was
eloquently addressed by Hon. H. W. Hilliard and
others.
The Whigs of Maryland met in State convention and
nominated for Harrison electors, David Hoffman, John
Political Campaign of 1840. 159
L. Kerr, Thomas A. Spencer, Theodore E. Lockerman,
George Howard, John T. Kennedy, Richard J. Bowie,
Jacob A. Preston, James M. Coole and Wm. T.
Cotton. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, Charles H. Pitts,
J. L. Ridgley, William Pitts, and others addressed
them.
The Whig convention of Maine, at Augusta, on the
i7th, had over two thousand present. Edward Kent
was nominated for Governor, and the State went "hell
bent" for him. Isaac Ilsley and Gen. Isaac Hodedon
were nominated for electors at large. There was
great enthusiasm.
The Whig State convention of New Hampshire met
at Concord and put a strong ticket in the field. The
electors chosen were as follows: Joseph Healey,
George W. Nesmith, Joseph Cilley, Andrew Pierce,
William Bixley, Thomas D. Edwards, and Amos A.
Brewster. Over five thousand were present.
Over twenty thousand people were at the great Fort
Meigs convention. The steamboat General Wayne
carried twelve hundred to the grand rally for the old
hero, Harrison.
On the I9th of June the largest meeting ever in Del-
aware was held at Delaware city, to do honor to the
hero of Fort Meigs.
The Whigs of New Orleans had a tremendous meet-
ing on the 24th, which was addressed by the gal-
lant Prentiss, of Mississippi, who exhorted them to meet
the expectations of the country and to send up their
voice to the National Capital in a tone of thunder. A
correspondent says, " We did so, though we expect to
hear of the death of some of the young Kendalls.
Prentiss gave us the most brilliant speech we ever
heard. Wit, sarcasm, logic, declamation, humor — all
were blended together in a style of magnificence never
surpassed. He says Van Buren is a little yawl at-
tached to the great steamboat, General Jackson. That
it comes with ill-grace from him to denounce General
Harrison as an imbecile and no general, when he him-
self is nothing more than a commander-in-chief of
Cuban blood-hounds."
160 Reminiscences of the
IN MARYLAND.
THE SHARPSBURG MEETING — ITS PROCESSION, MOT-
TOES AND ORATORS.
June 8, 1840.
DEAR GENERAL: More than six thousand persons
are assembled here to respond to the nomination of
Harrison and Tyler. This is a spontaneous burst of
enthusiasm . From mountain and valley, over rivers and
streamlets, they came to evince their hearty and en-
thusiastic admiration of the pure hero of Tippecanoe,
and their disapprobation of the bloodhound, standing
army, sub-treasury administration of Martin Van Bu-
ren. Berkley and Jefferson counties, of Virginia, sent
fifteen hundred Whigs over the Potomac; Washington
and Frederick counties made up, with a little help from
Allegany, the balance. It is a miniature of the great
convention of the 4th of May.
After the people had assembled they were called
to order by a song, sung by an Ohioan. Mr. Weisel, of
Hagerstown, then addressed them from a stand erected
in the square, in a happy and animated speech. His
allusions to Virginia, her eminent statesmen, and her
late glorious conduct were peculiarly appropriate.
He was responded to by Dr. Quigley, of Virginia,
who addressed the assemblage in a short but spirited
speech. Dr. Quigley was followed by Capt. John
vSnyder, of Harper's Ferry; he has been on the stump
before, or I am much mistaken; his speech was an
excellent one. Mr. Perry OrndorfT, a soldeir under
Harrison at the siege of Fort Meigs, followed Captain
Snyder, and spoke nearly as follows: "I have heard
my general slandered and defamed; I have even heard
him represented as a coward. My fellow-citizens, it
makes my blood boil in my veins to hear the man wrho
was foremost when the battle was hardest, slandered
by men whose lives have been a reproach to those mas-
culine exercises and virtues which have distinguished
Political Campaign of 1840. 161
his, and for which all men are formed. Yes, my fel-
low-citizens, these men, whose infancy was cradled in
down, and whose riper years have been fed on treasury
pap from a golden spoon, without the slightest knowl-
edge of hardship or a soldier's sufferings, stigmatize
my old commander as a coward. Fellow-citizens, it is
false. I know General Harrison is a brave and wise
man. I fought under him at Fort Meigs against the
British and Indians; and I cheerfully fight under him
now, against a standing army of 200,000 men. agains't
an army of defaulting office holders, and against the
human bloodhounds who remorselessly hunt down
and murder private reputation and martial fame. He
led me to victory in the first war, and he will lead me
and all of us to victory over his and our bloodhound
persecutors." As soon as the old soldier concluded,
the procession was formed by John Brinn, of Antietam
iron works, chief marshal, assisted by the district mar-
shals, whose names will be given with their districts
in the following order:
The chief marshal and three aids led the procession;
then followed a band of music, next came the Clear
Spring delegation, bearing in advance a banner, hav-
ing for a motto the candid confession and game
defiance: "Clear Spring District, No. 4; Often Beaten
But Never Conquered." Their second banner was a
portrait of Harrison, with the inscription, "Hero of
Tippecanoe;" their third banner was the national flag
with an eagle holding a scroll, on it was the national
motto, "E Pluribus Unum." The Sharpsburg district
came next, attended by its marshals, David Smith,
Samuel Mumma, David Hill, Thomas G. Harris, Jo-
seph Porter, David R. Miller and Jonathan Hill; their
first banner in front represented a blacksmith at work;
above this picture was, "Antietam Iron Works," be-
low, the motto. "Strike While the Iron Is Hot;" on the
reverse the motto, " By Industry We Thrive;" their
second banner bore the motto, " Harrison and Tyler,
Our Country's Hope,"
"Martin Van Buren you won't do,
The people's choice is Tippecanoe."
11
162 Reminiscences of the
Their third banner had, "The Voters of Antietam Iron
Works Know How to Appreciate the Worth of Gen.
William Henry Harrison." The people from Middle-
town Valley, in Frederick county, followed next, their
marshals were the same as Boonsboro's; below their
banner was a starred blue satin flag, with blue stream-
ers, on which were Harrison and Tyler; the motto on
the flag was, "From Mountain and Valley, We Rally.
We Rally." The gallant array of Tippecanoe boys
'from Harpei's Ferry, preceded by martial music, came
next; their first banner was a likeness of General Har-
rison, with the descriptive inscription, "Farmer of
North Bend and Hero of Tippecanoe;" their next or-
namental display was the river Thames, with a canoe
named Tippecanoe in it, and in the canoe was a minia-
ture Fort Meigs, and in the fort was John Orndorff,
the old boldier who assisted in the defense of the real'
Fort Meigs, the stars and stripes raised over every bas-
tion; their third was a ship and plow with the motto,
" Commerce and Agriculture." The officers of this
delegation were, Captain J. Stryder, chief marshal,
John T. Hinkle, Lewis W. Washington, Thomas Boet-
ter, Collin Peter and Samuel Stryder, assistant mar-
shals. The Shepherdstown district followed the Har-
per's Ferry boys; they were led by Major Hamtranck,
their chief marshal, and his aide, Wm. Fouke, Esq.,
assisted by Alexander R. Boteler, Dr. Thomas Ham-
mond, Henry Boteler, B. T. Towner, James Chap-
lino, Wm. Lemmon, John Ernst and A. Cameron,
assistant marshals; their first banner was the Virginia
coat of arms (the goddess of liberty with one foot on
the neck of a satyr), on the reverse were the mottoes,
" Domestic Manufactures," and " No Reduction of
Wages," "No Standing Army in Time of Peace;"
their second banner bore the inscription, "Tip and
Tyler," and the motto, " Harrison, the Hero of Tippe-
canoe."
Next came the Boonsboro' Harrison men; their mar-
shals were, Jos. Weast, chief marshal; Elias Davis,
Robert Fowler, Elias Snavely, Josiah Snavely and
Allen, assistant .marshals. The Boonsboro' and
Political Campaign of 1840. 163
Middletown delegations were consolidated. Their first
banner bore in front the motto, " Our Country's Good,
Our Only Aim; " on the reverse, " We Honor Virtue,"
" We Reward the Brave." Their second banner bore
a pair of scales, with a sub-treasury and standing army
on one side, and a barrel of hard cider on the other;
the cider weighed them down.
Hagerstown, Beaver Creek, Cavetown and Lecters-
bury consolidated into one, and numbering more than
one thousand, came next; their marshals, Dr. J. C.
Dorsey, chief marshal; Henry J. Bentz, Jno. Martenny,
William Miller, Jno. Thruston, Samuel McCarty, Jno.
Gantz, Samuel Bloom, Jacob Windens, assistant mar-
shals of Hagerstown. Peter Coblentz, chief marshal;
Samuel Keedy, chief marshal; Jos. Snavely, Samuel
Baker, .John Kerr, assistant marshals, etc. The. ban-
ners of this party were sixteen in number.
1. American flag and gilt eagle.
2. "The Tip of All Tips is Tippecanoe."
3. Motto, " We Go for a Strong Team, and Old Tip
for the Driver."
The others, to the twelfth, were not different from
some we have given.
12. A large box of provisions behind a wagon, with
the label, " Farmers' Fare and Some to Spare."
13. A wagon, with eight black horses, each horse
bearing a flag with the motto, "Tip's Coming."
14. Motto, "General Harrison's Beaver Creek
Friends."
The noble farmers, from Pleasant Valley, came next,
with the expressive motto on their banner, " Pleasant
Valley, a Terror to Loco Focoism."
Berkley county, Virginia, wound up the procession
with a splendid array of banners borne in wagons, log
cabins, etc. Their log cabin had a full-length portrait
of Harrison in front.
1. Banner, motto, "The Yeoman."
2. "Liberty and Union, Now and Forever, One and
Inseparable." "For President, William Henry Harri-
son; for Vice-President, John Tyler."
3. Motto, " One Presidential Term."
164 Reminiscences of the
4. " Safety of the Public Money."
5. " General Good of the People."
6. " Integrity of the Public Servants."
7. " We Have Flung the Broad Banner of Our
Country to the Breeze." "Union of the Whigs for
the Sake of the Union."
On a wagon were the following mottoes:
j"5o Cents." "i Cent." )
((Wild Cat.) (RedDog.)f
"The Hard Currency."
A painting of Van Buren running from Capitol Hill
and a big ball rolling down after him.
A painting of Benton rolling a ball, solitary and
alone.
A motto, " Down with Van Buren Principles, Sub-
Treasury and Standing Army."
A painting of Van Buren, sword in hand, re-
viewing his regiment of bloodhounds. This was
one of the most laughable caricatures I have ever
seen.
After the procession had marched through the vil-
lage and countermarched to the square, William
Price, Esq., was elected president. So enthusiastic
was the multitude that, without any further organiza-
tion, Mr. Price was called out by acclamation. He
spoke about fifteen minutes, and was followed by Col.
James M. Coale, elector for this district. Colonel Coale
spoke about an hour. It is not sufficient to say Messrs.
Price and Coale spoke well; they both spoke with
eloquence; the latter, from the length of time he
occupied, had a better opportunity than the former of
indulging in that quaint humor which is suited to the
stump. Mr. J. P. Kennedy spoke in his best style; his
speech was an able one. Mr. David Hoffman spoke
but a short time, and concluded by introducing one of
nature's noblemen, Mr. Baer, the Ohio Blacksmith.
He made the best speech I have ever heard; not in
manner; but in matter.
The meeting "dispersed before sundown to enable
the sturdy Whigs of Virginia and Maryland to return
home.
Political Campaign of 1840. 165
I had forgotten to mention a beautiful evergreen
arch thrown across the principal street of Sharpsburg,
and surmounted by the star-spangled banner; and
also the Sharpsburg log cabin, the same you saw in
Baltimore on the 4th of last month. It was placed in
the square with a living bear chained on the roof, and
several living opossums, racoons, etc., perched among
the branches of a tree, which seemed to shoot from its
center. Yours, F. H.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
GREAT HARRISON FESTIVAL AT ALEXANDRIA, DIS-
TRICT OF COLUMBIA.
The Madisonian of June 19, contains a full account
of the proceedings of the meeting of the friends of
Harrison and reform, at Alexandria, from which we
are only enabled to give extracts. Washington and
Georgetown were fully and ably represented.
"Among the distinguished visitors from Washing-
ton, we noticed Mr. Webster, Mr. Crittenden, Mr.
Preston, and Mr. Phelps, of the Senate; Messrs. King,
of Georgia, Jenifer, Graves, Waddy Thompson, Biddle,
Hill, Hoffman, Wise, Graham, James Garland, the
mayor of Washington, Colonel Washington, and sev-
eral others. Upon landing from the boats, they were
received by the committee and welcomed in a very
beautiful and appropriate address by the mayor."
The honor of replying to this address, was, by the
spontaneous concurrence of all. conceded to Mr. Web-
ster. His remarks were brief, but admirably appro-
priate and imbued throughout with deep and genuine
emotion.
The ladies are represented as having taken, as they
always do, the most noticeable share in the proceed-
ings of the day.
1 66 Reminiscences of the
On arriving at the spot selected for the festival, ex-
cellent arrangements were found to have been made
for the accommodation of those who wished to partici-
pate. A number of patriotic toasts were drank, and
Mr. Webster again, in response to calls, made one of
his most eloquent responses, concluding thus: ''Can
we lose anything by a change? Let us, then, go for-
ward together. We have made William Henry Harri-
son the bearer of our standard, and while he holds it,
it shall not fall, unless we fall along with it." Mr.
Crittenden pronounced a glowing eulogium upon the
character and services of General Harrison, and re-
lated many anecdotes illustrative of his courage, his
disinterestedness, his moderation and his humanity.
Messrs. Wm. Preston. Ogden Hoffman, Biddle, of
Pennsylvania, Wise, King, Waddy Thompson, Phelps,
of Vermont; James Garland, Graves, Hill, of Virginia;
Graham, of North Carolina, and Mr. Janney, the Whig
elector for London county, Virginia, severally ad-
dressed the meeting. The proceedings closed by a
speech of uncommon force and spirit from Mr. Wise.
HARRISON AMONG THE PEOPLE.
His SPEECH AT COLUMBUS, OHIO, JUNE n, 1840.
General Harrison left his home to visit the site of
old Fort Meigs. He arrived at Columbus on the after-
noon of Friday week, and left at 10 o'clock next morn-
ing. The short period he was present in that city was
remarkably interesting. At the moment he was about
to depart he was constrained to answer the calls of the
sovereign people, and he accordingly addressed them
nearly an hour in the frank and manly spirit of a sol-
dier. We have read his remarks with unalloyed de-
light. No man of any party who has a heart can pe-
ruse them without an honest emotion of satisfaction.
Political Campaign of 1840. 167
What a relief is such a speech from the bitter tirades of
party slang- whangers? The following we find in the
Ohio Confederate of the nth of June:
" General Harrison left Cincinnati on Thursday; he
arrived here, a distance of one hundred and twenty
miles, at 5 o'clock p. M. on Friday. He was on his
feet receiving the calls and congratulations of our citi-
zens for hours after his arrival. In the evening he re-
paired, by invitation, to the log cabin, where additional
hundreds had congregated to meet this beloved and
venerated patriot. Here, with the frankness and un-
reservedness which have marked his character through
life, did he mingle for two hours with the *• log cabin
boys" of the capital. Long before the sun and before
our youth were astir, the general was, on' the morning
of the morrow, up and about. Having breakfasted
with a friend at a remote part of the city, he was soon
again surrounded by the multitude of our people, who
refused to be satisfied without seeing and communing
with him. The period of his departure was at hand —
the crowd increased; it was impossible that in the
brief interval every one could be presented individually
to the general, and all were anxious to see and hear
him. At the instance of a friend, who noticed the
popular solicitude, the general, from the platform of
the door of the National Hotel, addressed the people for
half an hour or more. We wish that every man in
America had heard that speech. How would the de-
famers of this great and good man have dwindled in
their estimation into merited insignificance. How
would the slanderers who impute to him motives which
never actuated him, and opinions which he never held,
and designs which he never entertained, and princi-
ples which he never cherished, and who infamously
ascribe to him imbecility and decrepitude and cow-
ardice— how would these slanderers have been indig-
nantly rebuked by the righteous judgment of an honest
and insulted people ? But as they did not and could
not hear it, we will endeavor to possess them of its
substance. We took no notes. Neither General Har-
rison nor any other person thought of his making a
1 68 Reminiscences of the
public address two minutes before he commenced it.
It arose out of the circumstances which surrounded him
at the moment, and signally illustrated a quality of his
character to which we have before alluded, the ability
always to say and to do exactly what is proper to be
said and done. The reader will bear in mind, there-
fore, that we profess only to give him the subject-mat-
ter, not the style and expression of
GENERAL HARRISON'S REMARKS.
General Harrison said he was greatly indebted to
his fellow-citizens of Columbus and Franklin county;
the most cordial hospitality had at all times been
accorded to him by them. So long ago as the time
when he was honored with the command of the North-
western army, and held his headquarters at Franklin-
ton, on the other side of the river, it was his fortune to
find in the people of Franklin county not only good
citizens, but patriots and soldiers. Their unvarying
kindness to him had laid him under many previous
obligations, and their generous attentions on the present
occasion he cheerfully and gratefully acknowledged.
He said he had no intention to detain his friends by
making a speech, and he did so in obedience to what
he understood to be the desire of those whom he
addressed. He was not surprised that public curiosity
was awakened in reference to some things which had
been lately published concerning him, nor was he
unwilling to satisfy the feelings of his fellow-citizens
by such proper explanations as became him in his
present position before the country. He confessed
that he had suffered deep mortification since he had
been placed before the people as a candidate for the
highest office in their gift — nay, the most exalted
station in the world — that any portion of his country-
men should think it necessary or expedient to abuse,
slander or villify him. His sorrow arose not so much
from personal — dear as was to him the humble reputa-
tion he had earned — as from public considerations.
He might draw consolation, under this species of
injury, from the revelations of history, which showed
Political Campaign of 1840. 169
that the best of men, who had devoted their lives
to the public service, had been the victims of tra-
duction. But virtue and truth are the foundations
of our republican system. When these are disregarded,
our free institutions must fall; he looked, therefore, at
symptoms of demoralization with sincere regret as
betokening danger to public liberty. A part of the
political press, supporting the existing administration,
and certain partizans of Mr. Van Buren, also a candi-
date for that high office, to which some of those whom
he addressed desired to elevate him, had invented and
propagated many calumnies against him, but he pro-
posed on the present occasion to speak of one only of
the numerous perversions and slanders which filled
the columns of the newspapers, a'nd misrepresented
his character and conduct. He alluded to the story of
his famous "confidential committee," as they called it.
"The story goes," said General Harrison, "that I have
not only a committee of conscience-keepers, but that
they put me in a cage, fastened with iron bars, and
kept me in that." To one who looked at his bright
and sparkling eye, the light which beamed in its rich
expression, the smile which plaved upon his counte-
nance, blending the lineaments of benevolence and
firmness; who remembered also that he was listening
to the voice of a son of old Governor Harrison, one of
"the signers," the pupil of old "Mad Anthony," the
hero of Tippecanoe, the defender of Fort Meigs, the
conqueror of Proctor — the idea of William Henry
Harrison in a cage was irresistibly ludicrous!
When the laughter had subsided, the General pro-
ceeded; " I have no committee, fellow-citizens, confiden-
tial or other. It is true that I employed my friend, Ma-
jor Gwynn, to aid me in returning replies to some of the
numerous questions propounded to me by letters; but
to such only as any man could answer as well as another.
There is scarcely a question of a political nature now
agitating the public mind on which I have not long
since promulgated my opinions, by speeches, published
letters or official acts. A large majority of letters
addressed to me purported to seek my views of aboli-
170 Reminiscences of the
tion, United States bank, and other matter, concerning
which my views are already in possession of the public.
The most suitable answers to these and to well-inten-
tioned persons the most satisfactory, was a reference
to the documents in which my opinions already ex-
pressed were to be found. Such answers I intrusted to
my well-tried and faithful friend, Major Gwynn. Let-
ters requiring more particular attention I answered my-
self. Everybody who knows Major Gwynn, knows that
he is not one whom I would employ to write a political
letter. He is a self-made man, a soldier and a gentle-
man, but neither a politician nor a scholar. I asked the
service of him, because he was my friend, and I
confided in him, and it was plain and simple. My
habit is to receive,'open and read my letters myself.
Such as require special attention I reply to myself.
Such as may be easily answered by another, I hand to
my friend, with an indorsation indicating where the
information sought may be found — as thus — ' Refer
the writer to speech at Vincennes' — or 'the answer is
seen in my letter to Mr. Denny,' etc. But it seems that
Major Gwynn was chairman of a committee of the citi-
zens of Cincinnati, or of Hamilton county. When the
famous Oswego letter was received, it was read, and,
as usual with such letters, I indorsed it and handed it
to Major Gwynn. But, it seems when the answer was
prepared, it was signed also by his colleagues of the
county or city committee. Of all this I knew nothing,
nor in their capacity of committee had they anything
to do with my letters. Yet, by a little mistake and
much perversion, these gentlemen have Deen erected
into a committee of my conscience-keepers, and made
to shut me up in a cage to prevent me from answering
interrogatories." General Harrison remarked that, had
he, indeed, called to his assistance the services of a
friend in conducting his correspondence, he would
have had high authority to justify him in the measure.
It had been said of General Washington, that many of
the papers which bear his signature were written by
others, and he believed it had never been contra-
dicted; and General Breckenridge, aide to General Jack-
Political Campaign of 1840. 171
son, in the late war, had represented himself to be the
author of much of General Jackson's correspondence.
But he had not done so, to any extent, or in any sense,
than as he had now explained it — in requesting Major
Gwynn to refer those addressing inquiries to him to
the public sources of information. And he would here
•say, that in all his public life, civil and military, there
was no letter, report, speech or order, bearing his name,
which was not written wholly by his own hand. He
said, to open, read, and answer all the letters received
by him was physically impossible, though he should
do nothing else whatever.
To give his hearers an idea of the labor it would re-
quire, he said, a gentleman then present was with him
the morning he left Cincinnati when he took from the
post-office sixteen letters — there was usually half the
number at the post-office near his residence — twenty-
four letters per day. " Could any man," he asked,
"give the requisite attention to such a daily correspond-
ence, even to the neglect of every other engagement? "
True it was, that many communications were sent
which were not entitled to his notice, sent by persons
who had no other object but to draw from him some-
thing which might be used to his injury, and the injury
of the cause with which he was identified; yet, there
were enough of those which claimed his respectful
consideration for the sources from which they came
and the subjects to which they referred, to occupy more
time and labor than any one man could bestow upon
them.
General Harrison said he had alluded particularly to
this action of the committee because it had so recently
been the occasion of so much animadversion by his polit-
ical adversaries. But it was one only of many misrep-
resentations of him, his conduct, his principles and his
opinions, with which the party press was teeming. He
said it would occupy him many hours to discuss them,
if it were necessary or proper for him to do so. He re-
ferred, however, to the Richmond Enquirer, and ex-
pressed his surprise at the manner in which his name
and character had been treated by that paper. He did
172 Reminiscences of the
so, as it afforded an example of the prostitution of the
press to party purposes. That paper — which formerly
did him more than justice and paid him the highest
compliments as a soldier and civilian, whose editor at
one time could designate no other man whom he con-
sidered so well qualified for the responsible place of
Secretary of War — was now lending itself to the circu- .
lation of the most discreditable calumnies against him
and endeavoring to persuade his countrymen that he
was a coward and a Federalist. He alluded to the
evidence upon which the Enquirer sought to fasten
the accusation that he was a black cockade Federalist
— i. e., the remarks of Mr. Randolph in the Senate of
the United States. He said that the attack of Mr.
Randolph was met at the moment it was made, and
effectually disproved. He passed high encomiums upon
the genius of that remarkable man, and said, that
those who knew Mr. Randolph knew that he never
gave up a point in debate, or receded from his ground
anywhere, until convicted of error. The fact that he
made no reply to his answer to the charge is proof to
any familiar with his character that he himself was satis-
fied that he had erred. General Harrison explained
the foundation of Mr. Randolph's charge, made at a
moment of temporary irritation. He said that old Mr.
Adams refused to adopt against France the measures
which his party desired, and showed himself in that
respect, at least, more an American than a partisan.
It was that course of policy of Mr. Adams which com-
manded his approbation and induced him so to express
himself at the time. Mr. Randolph remembered the
expression, but probably forgot the particular subject
of it, and thus the very fact which proved him to be-
long to the Republican party of 1800, long years after-
ward, is separated from its attendant circumstances
and used to prove him a Federalist. General Harrison
expressed himself with much earnestness on the in-
justice which was thus attempted to be inflicted on his
character in his native State, in which, when truth and
virtue, and honor, had suffered violence everywhere
else, he had hoped they would survive.
Political Campaign of 1840. 173
General Harrison alluded to several other instances
of gross misrepresentation or absolute falsehoods, in-
dustriously and shamefully propagated by a party press.
"It seems almost incredible, fellow-citizens," said he,
'"but it is true, that from a long speech, filling several
columns of a paper, two short sentences have been
taken from different parts of it, these two sentences,
separated from their context, are put together, my
name attached to them, and published throughout the
land as an authentic document."1
He deplored that state of public sentiment which
could tolerate such a system of party action, and
trusted for the honor of his country and the hopes of
liberty, that the reformation of such abuses would soon
be wrought out by the force of a pure and healthy
public opinion.
" Why, fellow-citizens," said General Harrison, " I
have recently, in that house (pointing to the State
house) been charged with high offenses against my
country, which, if true, ought to cost me my life.
Yes," continued he, "accusations were there laid to
my charge which, being established, would subject
me, even now, to the severest penalties which military
law inflicts; for I have always held that an officer may
not escape the responsibilities of misconduct by re-
signing his commission.
"These charges aie not made by my companions in
arms — by the eye-witnesses of my actions — by the
great and good and brave men who fought by my side
or under my command. They tell a different story.
But their evidence, clear, unequivocal and distinct;
the testimony of Governor Shelby, the venerable hero
of King's mountain, of the gallant Perry, and of many
brave and generous spirits who saw and knew and
participated in all the operations connected with the
battle of the Thames; the evidence of impartial and
honorable men, the concurrent records of history and
the authority of universal public opinion, are all cast
aside in deference to the reckless assertions of those
who were either not in being or dandled in the arms
of their nurses!"
i^4 Reminiscences of the
General Harrison said he acknowledged that these
calumnies were disagreeable to him. His good name,
such as it was, was his most precious treasure and he
did not like to have it mangled by such calumnies.
Were it his land which they were seeking to destroy,
were it the title-deeds to his farm that they were en-
deavoring to mutilate, he could bear their efforts with
patience, and smile even at their success. But he con-
fessed, notwithstanding his perfect confidence in the
justice of his country, and the decision of an impartial
posterity, that these ruthless attacks upon his military
character affected him unpleasantly. This policy of
his adversaries constrained him to consider himself as
now on trial before his country. He was not reluctant
to be tried fairly — the American people being his
court and jury. His adversaries held to those rules of
evidence established by common sense and common
right. He feared not the results of the strictest scru-
tiny, and would cheerfully submit to the decision of a
virtuous and enlightened community. He asked but
fair dealing and final justice; no more.
General Harrison alluded to several other instances
of gratuitous and unfounded calumny, having no
shadow of apology in any fact for their invention and
publication. He spoke of the battle of Tippecanoe, of
the death of the brave and lamented Davies, whose
fall had been ascribed to him. He said the whole story
about the white horse was entirely false, and that the
fate of the gallant Kentuckian had no connection what-
ever with his own white mare which, by accident, was
not rode on that occasion by any one. In remarking
upon the slanders connected with the battle of Tippe-
canoe he said their refutation, one and all, was found
in the proceedings of the legislature of Kentucky, and
especially in the extraordinary confidence reposed in
him by the governor and people of that State, when
they subsequently honored him with the command
of their army, composed of the choice spirits of
the land, the best blood of Kentucky. General Harri-
son spoke with deep emotion of the trust reposed in
him by Kentucky on the occasion alluded to, and said
Political Campaign of 1840. 175
that the commission which made him the commander
of that brave and patriotic army of Kentuckians he
had always held as the most honorable commission
which it had been the fortune of his life to have con-
ferred upon him.
He referred to a very recent story got up in his own
neighborhood and sent fotth to the world, corrobor-
ated by the sanctity of an affidavit, which represented
him as confessing to a young man on a steamboat that
he was an Abolitionist, and that, although he voted
against restrictions on Missouri, he did so in opposition
to the suggestions of his conscience, etc. He said the
narrative bore on its face the proofs of its absolute
falsity, and when he pronounced it a fabrication with-
out the semblance of a fact or a word for its basis, it
was not because he thought it required a contradic-
tion, but to evince the recklessness and desperation of
his political enemies, who seemed to have given up
every ground of hope, save that which they found in
villifying his name. "It is a melancholy fact, fellow-
citizens," said General Harrison, "that the advocates of
Mr. Van Buren should so far forget what belongs to
the character of an American citizen, and do so much
violence to the nature of our free institutions as to
place the great political contest in which we are now
striving upon an issue such as this. I would not
accept the lofty station to which some of you are
proposing to elevate me, if it came to me by such
means. I would not, if I had the power to prevent it,
allow the fair fame of my competitor to be unjustly
assailed and wounded even for the attainment of that
lofty aim of a noble ambition. Na} , I have often
defended Mr. Van Buren against what I believed to
be the misrepresentations of my own mistaken friends
and others. Fellow-citizens, if Mr. Van Buren be the
better statesman, let us say so. I shall be the last man
to raise an objection against, or to desire to impose
restraints upon, the utmost independence of thought
and action, and the freest expression of feeling and
opinion. I love a frank and generous adversary; such
a man I delight to embrace, and will serve him ac-
Political Campaign of 1840. 176
cording to my ability as cheerfully as my professed
friend. But that political warfare which seeks suc-
cess by foul detraction, and strives for ascendency by
the ruin of personal character, merits the indignation
of honest men, is hateful to every generous mind, and
tends too surely to the destruction of public virtue,
and, as a consequence, Jo the downfall of public
liberty."
General Harrison apologized for occupying his fel-
low-citizens so long. He said he would but mention
one more of the latest slanders which had come to his
knowledge. A German paper, published in Cincin-
nati, almost under his own eye, puts it forth with ap-
parent sincerity, that " General Harrison, now a can-
didate for the Presidency of the United States, was.
many years ago, when a young man, an aide to General
Wayne during his Indian wars, and that, whenever
young Harrison found that a battle was coming on, he
always ran off into the woods." [Again there was
loud and irrepressible laughter.] " The editor forgot,"
said the General, "when he served up this little dish,
that the only possible security to young Harrison's
scalp, on the approach of a battle with the Indians,
was in keeping out of the woods. Such a story as this
can only excite a smile here, it is true," said General
Harrison; "but this paper circulates not alone in the
United States, copies of it are probably read in Europe,
where our history is less known, and where the con-
tradiction of such silly falsehoods may possibly never
come.
" It has long been proverbial of old soldiers, fellow-
citizens," continued General Harrison, "that they
delight to go back to other days and fight their battles
over again. When I began this address to you, I in-
tended only to speak of my far-famed 'committee of
conscience keepers,' and the 'iron cage' in which they
confined me; but I have unwittingly taken advantage of
your kind disposition to listen to me and extended my
remarks to other though kindred topics. I will only
add that, although they have made a wide mistake
who make me dwell in an 'iron cage,' the unlucky
Political Campaign of 1840. 177
wight who put me in a log cabin was a little nearer
the truth than he probably supposed himself to be.
It is true that a part of my dwelling-house is a log cabin,
but as to the hard cider " [The laughter which
followed the allusion to the "hard -cider" branch of the
story, drowned the voice of the speaker.]
" But," said General Harrison, "admonished by the
proverb, that you may ascribe my long speech to the
common infirmity of an old soldier, and bring me under
the suspicion of the loquacity of age, I will conclude
these hasty and unpremeditated remarks, by thanking
my fellow-citizens of Columbus for their politeness on
the present occasion, as well as for the friendly feeling of
which they have uniformly and often heretofore given
me so many gratifying proofs."
The general retired, leaving the crowd which had
accumulated while he spoke delighted with the prompt
and satisfactory manner in which he had met the wishes
of the citizens. The uppermost idea in the mind of
every one with whom the writer interchanged a
thought, was the wish that every man in the Union had
heard this unpremeditated and extemporaneous address.
Upon every candid mind it impressed the conviction
that the opposition candidate for the Presidency was
the last man in the world to be made the instrument of
a committee of "conscience-keepers," or to conceal his
opinions of public measures from sinister motives,
when the disclosure of them was called for by the pro-
priety and fitness of things.
The general left the city about 10 o'clock, escorted
by a numerous cavalcade on horseback, and attended
by the mayor and the chairman of the State central
committee. The escort parted with their guest a mile
or so from the city on his journey northward.
The general was addressed, on parting, by the mayor
in a brief valedictory on behalf of the citizens of the
capital, to which he replied in his uniformly happy
manner.
178 Reminiscences of the
HARRISON'S FORT MEIGS SPEECH.
" Fellow-citizens, I am not, upon this occasion,
before you in accordance with my own individual
views or wishes. It has ever appeared to me that the
office of President of the United States should not be
sought after by any individual; but that the people
should spontaneously, and with their own free will,
accord the distinguished honor to the man whom they
believed would best perform its important duties. En-
tertaining these views I should, fellow-citizens, have
remained at home but for the pressing and friendly
invitation which 1 have received from the citizens of
Perrysburg, and the earnestness with which its accepta-
tion was urged upon me by friends in whom I trusted,
and whom I am now proud to see around me. If,
however, fellow-citizens, I had not complied with that
invitation — If I had remained at home — believe me,
my friends, that my spirit would have been with you;
for where, in this beautiful land, is there a place calcu-
lated as this is to recall long past reminiscences, and
revive long-slumbering, but not wholly extinguished,
emotions in my bosom?
" In casting my eyes around, fellow-citizens, they
rest upon the spot where the gallant Wayne triumphed
so gloriously over his enemies, and carried out those
principles which it seemed his pleasure to impress
upon my mind, and in which it has ever been my
happiness humbly to attempt to imitate him. It was
there, fellow-citizens, I saw the banner of the United
States float in triumph over the flag of the enemy.
There it was where was first laid the foundation of the
prosperity of the now wide-spread and beautiful West.
It was there I beheld the indignant Eagle frown upon
the British Lion. It was there I saw the youth of our
land carry out the lesson they imbibed from the gallant
Wayne, the noblest and best an American can acquire,
to die for his country when called to do so in its
defense.
[At this moment the speaker's eye fell upon General
Political Campaign of 1840. 179
Hedges, when he said: "General Hedges, will you
come up here? You have stood by my side in the hour
of battle, and I cannot bear to see you at so great a dis-
tance now." Immense cheering followed this consid-
erate recognition, and the cries of " Raise him up,"
"Place him by the side of his old general," had scarcely
been uttered, when General Hedges was carried for-
ward to the stand.]
The General continued: " It was there I saw interred
my beloved companions — the companions of my youth.
It was not in accordance with the stern etiquet of
military life then to mourn their departure; but I may
now drop a tear over their graves at the recollections
of their virtues and worth.
"In 1793, fellow-citizens, I received my commission
to serve under General Wayne. In 1794 I was his aid
at the battle of Miami. Nineteen years afterwards I
had the honor of again being associated with many of
those who were my companions in arms then. Nine-
teen years afterwards I found myself commander-in-
chief of the Northwestern army, but I found no dimi-
nution in the bravery of the American soldier. I found
the same spirit of valor in all — not in the regular sol-
dier only, but in the enrolled militia and volunteer also.
"What glorious reminiscences does the view of all
these scenes around me draw to my mind! When I
consented to visit this memorable spot, I expected that
a thousand pleasant associations (would to God there
were no painful associations mingled with them) would
be recalled — that I should meet thousands of my fel-
low-citizens here, and among them many of my old
companions, met here to rear a new altar to liberty in
the place of the one which bad men have prostrated.
[Here the general looked around as if for some
water, when the cry was raised, " Give the general
some hard cider." This was done, much to the satis-
faction of the multitude.]
"And fellow-citizens," continued the general, "I
will not attempt to conceal from you that, in coming
here, I expected that I should receive from you those
evidences of regard which a generous people are ever
180 Reminiscences of the
willing to bestow upon those whom they believe to be
honest in their endeavors to serve their country. I re-
ceive these evidences of regard and esteem as the only
reward at all adequate to compensate for the anxieties
and anguish which in the past I experienced upon this
spot. Is there any man of sensibility, or possessing a
feeling of self-respect, who asks what those feelings
were? Do you suppose that the commander-in-chief
finds his reward in the glitter and splendor of the
camp? or in the forced obedience of the camp around
him? These are not pleasures under all circumstances,
these are not the rewards which a soldier seeks. I
ask any man to place himself in my situation, and then
say whether the extreme pain and anguish which en-
dured, and which every person similarly situated must
have endured, can meet with any adequate compensa-
tion, except by such expressions of the confidence and
gratitude of the people, as that with which you, fellow-
citizens, have this day honored me? These feelings
are common to all commanders of sense and sensibility.
The commanders of Europe possess them, although
placed at the head of armies reared to war. How
much more naturally would those feelings attach to a
commander situated as I was? For of what materials
was the army composed which was placed under my
command? The soldiers who fought, and bled, and
triumphed here, were lawyers, who had thrown up
their briefs, physicians, who had laid aside their instru-
ments; mechanics, who had put by their tools, and, in
far the largest proportions, agriculturists who had
their plows in the furrow, although their families de-
pended for their bread upon their exertions, and who
hastened to the battle-field to give their life to their
country, if it were necessary to maintain her rights. I
could point from where I now stand to places where
I felt this anxiety pressing heavily upon me, as I
thought of the fearful consequences of a mistake on
my part, or the want of judgment on the part of others.
I knew there were wives who had given their hus-
bands to the field, mothers who had clothed their sons
for battle; and I knew that these expecting wives and
Political Campaign of 1840. 181
mothers were looking for the safe return of their hus-
bands and sons. When to this was added the recol-
lection that the peace of the entire West would be
broken up, and the glory of my country tarnished if I
failed, you may possibly conceive the anguish which
my situation was calculated to produce. Feeling my
responsibility, I personally supervised and directed the
arrangement of the army under my command. I
trusted to no Colonel or other officer. No person had
any hand in any disposition of the army. Every step
of warfare, whether for good or ill, was taken under
my own direction, and of no other, as many who now
hear me know. Whether everv movement would or
would not pass the criticism of Bonaparte or Welling-
ton, I know not; but whether they would induce ap-
plause or censure, upon myself it must fall."
" But, fellow-citizens, still another motive induced me
to accept the invitation which had been so kindly ex-
tended to me. I knew that here I should meet with
manv who had fought and bled under my command —
that I should have the pleasure of taking them by the
hand, and recurring, with them, to the scenes of the
past. I expected, too, to meet with a few of the great
and good men yet surviving, by whose efforts our free-
dom was achieved. This pleasure alone would have
been sufficient to induce my visit to this interesting
spot upon this equally interesting occasion. I see my
old companions here, and I see not a few of the Rev-
olutionary veterans around me. Would to God that it
had ever been in my power to have made them com-
fortable and happy, that their sun might go down in
peace! But, fellow-citizens, they remain unprovided
for — monuments of the ingratitude of my countrv. It
was with the greatest difficulty that the existing pen-
sion act was passed through Congress. But why was
it restricted? Why were the brave soldiers who fought
under Wayne excluded? soldiers who suffered far more
than they who fought in the Revolution proper. The
Revolution, in fact, did not terminate until 1794 — until
the -battle was fought upon the battle ground upon
which my eye now rests. [Miami.] War continued
1 82 Reminiscences of the
with them from the commencement of the Revolution
until the victory of Wayne, to which I have just al-
luded.
" The great highway to the West was the scene of un-
ceasing slaughter. Then why this unjust discrimina-
tion? Why are the soldiers who terminated the war
of the Revolution, in fact, excluded, while those by
whom it was begun, or a portion of them, are rewarded ?
I will tell you why. The poor remnant of Wayne's
army had but few advocates, while those who had
served in the Revolution proper had plenty of friends.
Scattered, as they were, over all parts of the Union,
and in large numbers, they could exert an influence at
the ballot-box. They could whisper thus in the ears of
those who sought their influence at the polls. 'Take
care, for I have waited long enough for what has been
promised. The former plea of poverty can no longer
be made. The Treasury is now full. Take care, your
seat is in danger.' 'Oh! yes, everything that has been
promised shall be attended to if you will give me your
votes.' In this way, fellow-citizens, tardy, but partial,
justice was done to the soldiers of the Revolution.
They made friends by their influence at the ballot-box.
But it was different with General Wayne's soldiers.
They were but few in number, and they had but one
or two humble advocates to speak for them in
Congress. The result has been, justice has been
withheld.
" I have said that the soldiers under Wayne experi-
enced greater hardships even than the soldiers of the
Revolution. This is so. Every one can appreciate the
difference between an Indian and a regular war.
When wounded in battle the soldier must have warmth
and shelter before he can recover. This could al-
ways be secured by the soldier of the Revolution. In
those days the latch-string of no door was pulled in.
When wounded he was sure to find shelter and very
many of those comforts which are so essential to the
sick, but which the soldiers in an Indian war cannot
procure. Instead of shelter and warmth, he is exposed
to the thousand ills incident to Indian warfare. Yet
Political Campaign of 1840. 183
no relief was extended to those who had thus suf-
fered !
"After the war closed under Wayne, I retired; and
when I saw a man poorer than all others, wandering
about the land decrepid and decayed by intemperance,
it was unnecessary to inquire whether he had ever be-
longed to Wayne's army. His condition was a guar-
antee of that — was a sufficient assurance that he had
wasted his energies among the unwholesome swamps
of the West, in the defense of the rights of his fellow-
citizens, and for the maintenance of the honor and
glory of his country.
" Well, fellow-citizens, I can only say, that if it should
ever be in my power to pay the debt which is due
these brave but neglected men, that debt shall first of
all be paid. And I am very well satisfied that the Gov-
ernment can afford it, provided the latch-string of the
Treasury shall ever be more carefully pulled in. Per-
haps you will ask me for some proof of my friendship
for old soldiers. If so, I can give it you from the rec-
ords of Congress. When the fifteen-hundred-dollar law
was repealed, I opposed it, as I opposed changing the
pay of members of Congress from six to eight dollars,
until we had done justice to and provided for these sol-
diers. You will find my votes upon this question upon
the records of Congress, and my speech upon it in the
public debates of the same.
" I will now, my fellow-citizens, give you my reasons
for having refused to give pledges and opinions more
freely than I have done since my nomination to the
Presidency. Many of the statements published upon
the subject are by no means correct; but it is that it is
true my opinion that no pledge should be made by an
individual when in nomination for any office in the
gift of the people. And why? Once adopt it, and
the battle will no longer be to the strong, to the vir-
tuous, or to the sincere lover of his country; but to
him who is prepared to tell the greatest number of lies,
and to proffer the largest number of pledges which he
never intends to carry out. I suppose that the best
guarantee which an American citizen could have of the
184 Reminiscences of the
correctness of the conduct of an individual in the
future would be his conduct in the past when he had
no temptation before him to practice deceit.
"Now, fellow-citizens, I have not altogether grown
gray under the helmet of my country, although I have
worn it for some time. A large portion of my life has
been passed in the civil departments of government.
Examine my conduct there, and the most tenacious
Democrat — I use the word in its proper sense; I mean
not to confine it to parties, for there are good in both —
may doubtless discover faults, but he will find no sin-
gle act calculated to derogate from the rights of the
people.
" However, to prove the reverse of this, I have been
called a Federalist. [Here was a loud cry of "The
charge is a lie — a base lie. You are no Federalist."]
Well, what is a Federalist ? I recollect what the
word formerly signified, and there are many others
present who recollect its former signification also.
They know that the Federal party were accused
of a design to strengthen the hands of the General
Government at the expense of the separate States.
That accusation could not nor cannot apply to me.
I was brought up after the strictest manner of Virgin-
ian anti-Federalism. St. Paul himself was not a greater
devotee to the doctrines of the Pharisees than was
I, by inclination and a father's precepts and example,
to anti-Federalism. I was taught to believe that
sooner or later that fatal catastrophe to human lib-
erty would take place — that the General Government
would swallow up all the State governments, and that
one department of the Government would swallow up
all the other departments. I do not know whether
my friend, Mr. Van Buren (and he is, and I hope will
ever be, my personal friend), has a gullet that can
swallow everything; but I do know but that if his
measures are all carried out, he will lay a foundation
for others to do so if he does not.
" What reflecting man, fellow-citizens, cannot see this?
The representatives of the people were once the source
of power, Is it so now? Nay. It is to the Executive
Political Campaign of 1840. 185
Mansion now that every eye is turned — that every wish
is directed. The men of office and party, who are gov-
erned by the principles of John Randolph, to wit: the
five loaves and two fishes, seem to have their ears con-
stantly directed to the bell at headquarters, to indicate
how the little ones shall ring.
44 But to return: I have but to remark that my anti-
Federalism has been tempered by my long service in
the employ of my country, and my frequent oaths to
support her General Government; but I am as ready
to resist the encroachments on State rights as I am to
support the legitimate authority of the executive or
the General Government.
14 Now, fellow-citizens, I have very little more to say,
except to exhort you to go on. peacefully if you can —
and you can — to effect that reform, upon which your
hearts are fixed. What calamitous consequences will
ensue to the world if you fail! If you should fail,
how the tryants of Europe will rejoice. If you fail,
how will the friends of freedom, scattered like the few
planets of heaven over the world, mourn, when they
see the beacon-light of liberty extinguished — the light
whose rays they had hoped would yet penetrate
the whole benighted world.
44 If you triumph, it will only be done with vigilance
and attention. Our personal friends, but political ene-
mies, remind each other, that 4 Eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty.' While journeying thitherward lob-
served this motto waving at the head of a procession,
composed of the friends of the present administration.
From this I inferred that discrimination was necessary
in order to know who to watch. Under Jefferson,
Madison, and Monroe, the eye of the people was turned
to the right source — to the administration. The admin-
istration, however, now say to the people, 4 You must
not watch us, but you must watch the Whigs! Only
do that, and all is safe! ' But that, my friends, is not
the way. The old-fashioned Republican rule is to watch
the Government. See that the Government does not
acquire too much power. Keep a check upon your
rulers. Do this, and liberty is safe. And if your efforts
1 86 Reminiscences of the
should result successfully, and I should be placed in the
Presidential chair, I shall invite a recurrence to the old
Republican rule, to watch the administration, and to
condemn all its acts which are not in accordance with
the strictest mode of republicanism. Our rulers, fellow-
citizens, must be watched. Power is insinuating. Few
men are satisfied with less power than they are able to
procure. If the ladies, whom I see around me, were
near enough to hear me, and of sufficient age to give
an experimental answer, they would tell you that no
lover is ever satisfied with the first smile of his mis-
tress.
"It is necessary, therefore, to watch, not the political
opponents of the administration, but the administra-
tion itself, and to see that it keeps within the bounds
of the Constitution and the laws of the land. The
executive of the Union has immense power to do
mischief if he sees fit to exercise that power. He may
prostrate the country. Indeed this country has been
already prostrated. It has already fallen from pure
republicanism to a monarchy in spirit if not in name.
A celebrated author defines monarchy to be that form
of government in which the executive has at once the
command of the army, the execution of the laws and
the control of the purse. Now how is it with our
present executive? The Constitution gives to him the
control of the army and the execution of the laws.
He now only awaits the possession of the purse to
make him a monarch. Not a monarch simply, with
the power of England, but a monarch with powers
of the autocrat of Russia. For Gibbon says that an
individual possessed of these powers 'will, unless
closely watched, make himself a despot.'
" The passage of the sub-treasury bill will give to the
President an accumulation of power — the single addi-
tional power that the Constitution withholds from him,
and the possession of which will make him a monarch.
This catastrophe to freedom should be and can be pre-
vented by vigilance, union and perseverance.
["We will do it," resounded from twenty thousand
voices, "we will do it.'*]
Political Campaign of 1840. 187
" In conclusion, then, fellow -citizens, I would impress
it upon all, Democrats and Whigs, give up the idea of
'watching each other, and direct your eye to the Govern-
ment. Do that, and your children, and your children's
children, to the latest posterity, will be as happy and
as free as you and your fathers have been."
[At the close of this speech the vast multitude gave
"three times three," with an unanimity and hearuness
which spoke eloquently the unanimity of their senti-
ments as to the force, truth and beauty of the speech,
and the worth, merit and virtue of the speaker.] —
Detroit Advertiser.
SPEECH OF HENRY CLAY
AT TAYLORSVILLE, HANOVER COUNTY, VIRGINIA,
JUNE 27, 1840.*
After a longer delay than we expected, we have to-
day the pleasure of presenting to our readers the speech
delivered by Mr. Clay at Taylorsville, Hanover county,
on the 27th ult. It will be read with interest by his
friends and opponents. It is worthy of his high fame
as an orator and a statesman, and contains matter for the
serious reflection of every lover of his country.
The sentiment in compliment to Mr. Clay was re-
ceived with long-continued applause. That gentle-
man rose and addressed the company substantially as
follows:
" I think, friends and fellow citizens, that, availing
myself of the privilege of my long service in the public
councils just adverted to, the resolution which I have
adopted is not unreasonable, of leaving to younger
men, generally, the performance of the duty, and the
enjoyment of the pleasure of addressing the people in
their primary assemblies. After the event which
*From the Fredericksburg Arens, July 10, 1840.
1 88 Reminiscences of the
occurred last winter at the capitol of Pennsylvania, I
believe it due to myself, to the Whig cause and to the
country, to announce to the public, with perfect truth
and sincerity, and without any reserve, my fixed de-
termination heartily to support the nomination of Wil-
liam Henry Harrison there made. To put down all
misrepresentations, I have, on suitable occasions, re-
peated this annunciation; and now declare my solemn
conviction that the purity and security of the prosperity
of the country imperatively demand the election of
that citizen to the office of Chief Magistrate of the
United States.
" But this occasion forms an exception from the rule
which I have prescribed to myself. I have come here
to the county of my nativity, in the spirit of a pilgrim,
to meet, perhaps for the last time, the companions
and the descendants of the companions of my youth.
Wherever we roam, in whatever climate or land we
are cast by the accidents of human life, beyond the
mountains or beyond the ocean, in the legislative halls
of the Capitol, or in the retreats and shades of private
life, our hearts turn with an irresistible instinct to the
cherished spot which ushered us into existence. And
we dwell with delightful associations on the recollec-
tion of the streams in which, during our boyish days
we bathed, the fountains at which we drunk, the piney
fields, the hills and the valleys where we sported, and
the friends who shared these enjoyments with us. Alas!
too many of these friends of mine have gone whither
we must all shortly go, and the presence here of the
small remnant left behind attests both our loss and our
early attachment. I would greatly prefer, my friends,
to employ the time which this visit affords, in friendly
and familiar conversation on the virtues of our de-
parted companions, and on the scenes and adventures
of our younger days; but the expectation which pre-
vails, the awful state of our beloved country, and the
opportunities which I have enjoyed in its public coun-
cils, impose on me the obligation of touching on topics
less congenial with the feelings of my heart, but pos-
sessing higher public interest. I assure you, fellow-
Political Campaign of 1840. 189
citizens, however, that I present myself before you for
no purpose of exciting prejudices or inflaming pas-
sions, but to speak to you in all soberness and truth,
and to testify to the things which I know or the con-
victions which I entertain, as an ancient friend, who
has lived long, and whose career is rapidly drawing to
a close. Throughout an arduous life I have endeav-
ored to make truth and the good of our common coun-
try the guides of my public conduct; but in Han-
over county, for which I cherish sentiments of respect,
gratitude and veneration above all other places, would
I avoid saying anything that I did not sincerely and
truly believe.
" Why is the plow deserted, the tools of the me-
chanic laid aside, and all are seen rushing to gather-
ings of the people? What occasions those vast and
unusual assemblages which we behold in every State,
and in almost every neighborhood? Why those con-
ventions of the people, at a common center, from all
extremities of this vast Union, to consult together upon
the sufferings of the community, and to deliberate on
the means of deliverance? Why this rabid appetite
for public discussions? What is the solution of the
phenomenon, which we observe, of a great nation
agitated upon its whole surface, and at its lowest
depths, like the ocean when convulsed by some terri-
ble storm? There must be a cause, and no ordinary
cause.
" It has been truly said, in the most memorable docu-
ment that ever issued from the pen of man, that 'all
experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed
to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right them-
selves by abolishing the forms to which they are ac-
customed.' The recent history of our people furnishes
confirmation of that truth. They are active, enter-
prising and intelligent, but are not prone to make
groundless complaints against public servants. If we
now everywhere behold them in motion, it is be-
cause they feel that the grievances under which they
are writhing can be no longer tolerated. They feel
the absolute necessity of a change, that no change can
190 Reminiscences of the
render their condition worse, and that any change
must better it. This is the judgment to which they
have come; this, the brief and compendious logic
which we daily hear. They know that, in all the dis-
pensations of Providence, they have reason to be
thankful and grateful; and if they had not, they would
be borne with fortitude and resignation. But there is
a pervading conviction and persuasion that, in the ad-
ministration of government, there has been something
wrong, radically wrong, and that the vessel of State
has been in the hands of selfish, faithless, and unskillful
pilots, who have conducted it amidst the breakers.
" In my deliberate opinion, the present distressed and
distracted state of the country may be traced to the
single cause of the action, the encroachments, and
the usurpations of the executive branch of the Govern-
ment. I have not time here to exhibit and to dwell
upon all the instances of these, as they have occurred
in succession, during the last twelve years. They have
been again and again exposed on other more fit occa-
sions. But I have thought this a proper opportunity
to point out the enormity of the pretensions, principles
and practices of that department, as they have been,
from time to time, disclosed in these late years, and to
show the rapid progress which has been made in the
fulfillment of the remarkable language of our illustrious
countryman, that the Federal executive had an awful
squinting towards monarchy. Here in the county of
his birth, surrounded by sons, some of whose sires
with him were the first to raise their arms in defense of
American liberty against a foreign monarch, is an
appropriate place to expose the impending danger of
creating a domestic monarch. And may I not, with-
out presumption, indulge the hope that the warning
voice of another, although far humbler son of Hanover,
may not pass unheeded?
" The President of the United States advanced certain
new and alarming pretensions for the executive de-
partment of the Government, the effect of which, if es-
tablished and recognized by the people, must inevitably
convert it into a monarchy. The first of these, and it
Political Campaign of 1840. 191
was a favorite principle with him, was, that the execu-
tive department should be regarded as a unit. By this
principle of unity he meant and intended that all the
executive officers of Government should be bound to
obey the commands and execute the orders of the Pres-
ident of the United States, and that they should be
amenable to him, and be responsible for them. Prior to
his administration, it had been considered that they
were bound to observe and obey the Constitution and
laws, subject to the general superintedence of the Pres-
ident, and responsible by impeachment, and to the tri-
bunals of justice, for injuries inflicted on private citizens.
" But the annunciation of this new and extraordinary
principle was not of itself sufficient for the purposes of
President Jackson; it was essential that the subjection
to his will, which was its object, should be secured by
some adequate sanction. That he sought to effect, by
an extension of another principle, that of dismission
from office, beyond all precedent, and in cases and un-
der circumstances which would have furnished just
grounds of his impeachment, according to the solemn
opinion of Mr. Madison and other members of the first
Congress under the present Constitution.
"Now, if the whole official corps, subordinate to the
President of the United States, are made to know and
to feel that they hold their respective offices by the
tenure of conformity and obedience to his will, it is
manifest that they must look to that will, and not to
the Constitution and laws, as a guide of their official
conduct. The weakness of human nature, the love and
emoluments of office, perhaps the bread necessary to
the support of their families, would make this result
absolutely certain.
"The development of this new character to the
power of dismission would have fallen short of the
aims in view, without the exercise of it were held to be
a prerogative, for which the President was to be wholly
irresponsible. If he were compelled to expose the
grounds and reasons upon which he acted, in dismiss-
als from office, the apprehension of public censure
would temper the arbitrary nature of the ppwer and
192 Reminiscences of the
throw some protection around the subordinate officer.
Hence the new and monstrous pretension has been ad-
vanced, that although the concurrence of the Senate is
necessary by the Constitution to the confirmation of an
appointment, the President may, subsequently, dismiss
the person appointed, not only without communicating
the grounds on which he has acted to the Senate, but
without any such communication to the people them-
selves, for whose benefit all offices are created. And
so bold and daring has the executive branch of the
Government become, that one of its Cabinet ministers,
himself a subordinate officer, has contemptuously re-
fused to members of the House of Representatives to
disclose the grounds on which he has undertaken to
dismiss from office persons acting as deputy postmast-
ers in his department.
"As to tl:e gratuitous assumption by President Jack-
son, of responsibility f.?r all the subordinate executive
officers, it i- the merest mockery that was ever put
forth. They will escape punishment by pleading his
orders, and.he by alleging the hardship of being pun-
ished, not for his own acts, but for theirs. We have a
practical exposition of this principle in the case of the
200,000 militia. The Secretary of War comes out to
screen the President, by testifying that he never saw
what he strongly recommended; and the President re-
ciprocated that favor by retaining the Secretary in
place, notwithstanding he has proposed a plan for or-
ganizing the militia, which is acknowledged to be un-
constitutional. If the President is -iot to be held re-
sponsible for a Cabinet minister, in daily intercourse
with him, how is he to be rendered so for a receiver in
Wisconsin or Iowa? To concentrate all reponsibility
in the President is to annihilate all responsibility. For
who ever expects to see the day arrive when a Presi-
dent of the United States will be impeached; or, if im-
peached, when he cannot command more than one-
third of the Senate to defeat the impeachment?
" But to construct the scheme of practical despotism,
whilst all the forms of free government remained, it was
necessary to take one farther step. By the Constitu-
Political Campaign of 1840. 193
tion the President is enjoined to take care that the laws
be executed. This injunction was merely intended to
impose on Mm the duty of a general superintendence;
to see that offices were filled, officers at their respective
posts in the discharge of their official functions, and all
obstructions to the enforcement ot the laws were re-
moved, and, when necessary for that purpose, to carry
out the militia. No one ever imagined, prior to the
administration of President Jackson, lhat a President
of the United States was to occupy himself with super-
vising and attending to the execution of all the mi-
nute details of every one of the host of offices in the
United States.
" Under the constitutional injunction just mentioned,
the late President put forward that most extraordinary
pretension that the Constitution and laws of the United
States were to be executed as he understood them; and
this pretension was attempted to be sustained by an
argument equally extraordinary, that the President,
being a sworn officer, must carry them into effect
according to his sense of their meaning. The Consti-
tution and laws were to be executed, not according to
their import as handed down to us by our ancestors, as
interpreted by contemporaneous expositions, as ex-
pounded by concurrent judicial decisions, as fixed by
an uninterrupted course of Congressional legislation,
but in that sense which a President of the United
States happened to understand them!
"To complete this executive usurpation one further
object remained. By the Constitution, the command
of the Army and the Navy is conferred on the Presi-
dent. If he could unite the purse to the sword noth-
ing would be left to gratify the insatiable thirst for
power. In 1833 the President seized the Treasury of
the United States, and from that day to this it has con-
tinued substantially under his control. This seizure was
effected by the removal of one Secretary of the Treas-
ury understood to be opposed to the measure, and by
the dismissal of another, who refused to violate the
law of the land upon the orders of the President.
" It is, indeed, said that not a dollar in the Treasury
13
194 Reminiscences of the
can be touched without a previous appropriation by
law, nor drawn out of the Treasury without the con-
currence and signatures of the Secretary, the Treas-
urer, the Register and the Comptroller. But are not all
these pretended securities idle and unavailing forms?
We have seen that, by the operation of the irresponsible
power of dismission, all those officers are reduced to
automata, absolutely subjected to the will ©f the Presi-
dent. What resistance would any of them make,
with the penalty of dismission suspended over their
heads, to any order of the President to pour out the
treasure of the United States whether an act of ap-
propriation existed or not? Do not mock us with the
vain assurance of the honor and probity of a Presi-
dent, nor remind us of the confidence - which we
ought to repose in his imagined virtues. The pervad-
ing principle of our system of Government — of all
free governments — is not merely the possibility, but
the absolute certainty of infidelity and treachery with
even the highest functionary of the State; and hence
all the restrictions, securities, and guarantees which
the wisdom of our ancestors or the sad experience of
history had inculcated have been devised and thrown
around the Chief Magistrate.
"Here, friends and fellow-citizens, let us pause and
contemplate this stupendous structure of executive ma-
chinery and despotism which has been reared in our
young Republic. The executive branch of this gov-
ernment is a unit; throughout all its arteries and veins
there is but one heart, one head, one will. The num-
ber of the subordinate executive officers and depend-
ents in the United States has been estimated, in an offi-
cial report, founded on public documents, made by a
Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun), at one
hundred thousand. Whatever it may be, all of them,
wherever they are situated, are bound implicitly to
obey the orders of the President. And absolute obedi-
ence to his will is secured and enforced by the power
ofdismissing them, at his pleasure, from their respect-
•;Tve£, places. To make this terrible power of dismission
more certain and efficacious, its exercise is covered up
Political Campaign of 1840. 195
in mysterious secrecy, without exposure, without the
smallest responsibility. The Constitution and laws of
the United States are to be executed in the sense in
which the President understands them, although that
sense may be at variance with the understanding of
every other man in the United States. It follows, as a
necessary consequence from the principle deduced by
the President from the constitutional injunction as to
the execution of the laws, that, if an act of Congress be
passed, in his opinion, contrary to the Constitution, or
if a decision be pronounced by the courts in his
opinion contrary to the Constitution or the laws, that
act or that decision the President is not obliged to
enforce, and he could not cause it to be enforced
without a violation, as is pretended, of his official
oath. Candor requires the admission that the princi-
ple haa not yet been pushed in practice to these cases;
but it manifestly comprehends them, and who doubts
that, if the spirit of usurpation is not arrested and re-
buked, they will be finally reached? The march of
poiver is ever onward. As times and seasons admon-
ish, it openly and boldly, in broad day. makes its pro-
gress; or, if alarm be excited by the enormity of its
pretensions, it silently and secretly, in the dark of the
night, steals its devious way. It now storms and
mounts the ramparts of the fortress of liberty; it now
saps and undermines its foundations. Finally, the com-
mand of the Army and Navy being already in the Pres-
ident, and having acquired a perfect control over the
Treasury of the United States, he has consummated that
frightful union of purse and sword, so long, so much
so earnestly deprecated by all true lovers of civil lib-
erty. And our present Chief Magistrate stands sol-
emnly and voluntarily pledged, in the face of the whole
world, to follow in the footsteps and carry out the
measures and the principles of his illustrious prede-
cessor!
"The sum of the whole is, that there is but one power,
one control, one will in the State. All is concentrated
in the President. He directs, orders, commandtl}
whole machinery of the State. Through the
196 Reminiscences of the
agencies, scattered throughout the land, and absolutely
subjected to his will, he executes according to his pleas-
ure or caprice, the whole power of the commonwealth,
which has been absorbed and engrossed by him. And
one sole will predominates in, and animates the whole
of this community. If this be not practical despotism
I am incapable of conceiving or defining it. Names
are nothing. The existence or non-existence of arbi-
trary government does not depend upon the title or
denomination bestowed on the chief of the State, but
upon the quantum of power which he possesses and
wields. Autocrat, sultan, emperor, dictator, king,
doge, president, are all mere names, in which the power
respectively possessed by them is not to be found, but
is to be looked for in the Constitution, or the estab-
lished usages and practices of the several States which
they govern and control. If the Autocrat of Russia
were called president of all the Russias, the actual power
remaining unchanged, his authority under his new de-
nomination would continue undiminished; and if the
President of the United States were to 'receive the title
of Autocrat of the United Stajtes, the amount of his au-
thority would not be increased without an alteration of
the Constitution.
"General Jackson was a bold and fearless reaper,
carrying a wide row, but he did not gather the whole
harvest; he left some gleanings to his faithful suc-
cessor, and he seems resolved to sweep clean the field
of power. The duty of inculcating on the official corps
the active exertion of their personal and official influ-
ence was left by him to be enforced bv Mr. Van Bu-
ren, in all popular elections. It was net sufficient that
the official corps was bound implicitly to obey the will
of the President. Ifwas not sufficient that this obedi-
ence was coerced by the tremendous power of dis-
mission. It soon became apparent that this corps
might be beneficially employed to promote in other
matters than the business of their offices, the views and
interests of the President and his party. They are far
more efficient than any standing army of equal num-
bers. A standing army would be separated, and stand
Political Campaign of 1840. 197
out from the people; would be an object of jealousy and
suspicion; and being always in corps, or in detachments,
could exert no influence on popular elections. But the
official corps is dispersed throughout the country, in
every town, village and city, mixing with the people,
attending their meetings and conventions, becoming
chairmen and members of committees and urging and
stimulating partisans to active and vigorous exertion.
Acting in concert, and throughout the whole Union
obeying orders issued from the center, their influence,
aided by executive patronage, by the Post-Office De-
partment, and all the vast other means of the executive,
is almost irresistible.
" To correct this procedure, and to restrain the sub-
ordinates of the executive from all interference with
popular elections, my colleague (Mr. Crittenden) now
present, introduced a bill in the Senate. He had the
weight of Mr. Jefferson's opinion, who issued a circu-
lar to. restrain Federal officers from intermeddling in
popular elections. He had before him the British ex-
ample, according to which, placemen and pensioners
were not only forbidden to interfere, but were not,
some of them, even allowed to vote at popular elections.
But this bill left them free to excercise the elective
franchise, prohibiting only the use of their official
influence. And how was this bill received in the Sen-
ate? Passed by those who profess to admire the char-
acter and to pursue the principles of Mr. Jefferson?
No such thing. It was denounced as a sedition bill.
And the just odium of that sedition bill, which was
intended to protect office-holders against the people
was successfully used to defeat a measure of protection
of the people against the office-holders! Not only
were they left unrestrained, but they were urged and
stimulated by an official report to employ their influ-
ence in behalf of the administration, at the elections of
the people.
Hitherto the Army and Nav}' have remained unaf-
fected by the power of dismission, and they have not
been called into the political service of the executive.
But no attentive observer of the principles and pro-
198 Reminiscences of the
ceedings of the men in power could fail to see that the
day was not distant when they, too, would be required
to perform the partisan offices of the President. Ac-
cordingly, the process of converting them into execu-
tive instruments has commenced in a court-martial
assembled at Baltimore. Two officers of the Army of
the United States have been put upon their solemn
trial, on the charge of prejudicing the Democratic
party by making purchases for the supply of the Army
from members of the Whig party. It is not pretended
that the United States were prejudiced by those pur-
chases; on the contrary, it was, I believe, established
that they were cheaper than could have been made
from the supporters of the administration. But the
charge was that to purchase at all from the opponents,
instead of friends of the administration, was an injury
to the Democratic party which required that the offend-
ers should be put upon their trial before a court-mar-
tial. And this trial was commenced at the instance of
a committee of a Democratic convention, and con-
ducted and prosecuted by them. The scandalous spec-
tacle is presented to an enlightened world of the Chief
Magistrate of a great people executing the orders of a
self-created power, organized within the bosom of the
State, and upon such an accusation, arraigning, before
a military tribunal, gallant men, who are charged with
the defense of the honor and interest of their country,
and with bearing its eagles in the presence of an
enemy.
" But the Army and Navy are too small, and in com-
position are too patriotic to subserve all the purposes
of this administration. Hence the recent proposition
of the Secretary of War, strongly recommended by the
President, under color of a new organization of the
militia, to create a standing force of two hundred thou-
sand men, an amount which no conceivable foreign
exigency can ever make necessary. It is not my pur-
pose now to enter upon an examination of that alarm-
ing and dangerous plan of the Executive Department
of the Federal Government. It has justly excited a
burst of general indignation; and nowhere has the dis-
Political Campaign of 1840. 199
approbation of it been more emphatically expressed
than in this ancient and venerable commonwealth.
kk The monstrous project may be described in a few
words. It proposes to create the force by breaking
down Mason and Dixson's line, expunging the bound-
aries of States, melting them up into a confluent mass,
to be subsequently cut up into ten military parts, alien-
ates the militia from its natural association, withdraws
it from the authority and command and sympathy of
its constitutional officers, appointed by the States, puts
it under the command of the President, authorizes him
to cause it to be trained, in palpable violation of the
Constitution, and subjects it to be called out from re-
mote and distant places, at his pleasure, and on oc-
casions not warranted by the Constitution!
" Indefensible as this project is, fellow-citizens, do
not be deceived by supposing that it has been or will
be abandoned. It is a principle of those who are now
in power that an election or re-election of the Presi-
dent implies the sanction of the people to all the meas-
ures which he had proposed, and all the opinions which
he had expressed, on public affairs, prior to that event.
We have seen this principle applied on various occa-
sions. Let Mr. Van Buren be re-elected in November
next, and it will be claimed that the people have thereby
approved of this plan of the Secretary of War. All
entertain the opinion that it is important to train the
milita and render it effective; and it will be insisted, in
the contingency mentioned, that the people have de-
monstrated that they approve of that specific plan.
There is more reason to apprehend such consequence
from the fact that a committee of the Senate, to which
this subject was referred, instead of denouncing the
scheme as unconstitutional and dangerous to liberty,
presented a labored apologetic report, and the admin-
istration majority in that body ordered twenty thou-
sand copies of the apology to be printed for circulation
among the people. I take pleasure in testifying that
one administration Senator had the manly independ-
ence to denounce, in his place, the project as unconsit-
tutional. The Senator was from your own State.
2oo Reminiscences of the
" I have thus, fellow-citizens, exhibited to you a true
and faithful picture of Kxecutive power, as it has been
enlarged and expanded within the last few years, and
as it has been proposed further to extend it. It over-
shadows every other branch of the Government. The
source of legislative power is no longer to be found in
the Capital but in the palace of the President. In as-
suming to be a part of the legislative power, as the
President recently did contrary to the Constitution, he
would have been nearer the actual fact if he had alleged
that he was the sole legislative power of the Union.
How is it possible for public liberty to be preserved,
and the constitutional distributions of power, among
the departments of Government, to be maintained, un-
less the executive career be checked and restrained?
" It may be urged that two securities exist: first, that
the Presidential term is of short duration; and secondly,
the elective franchise. But it has been already shown
that whether a depository power be arbitrary or com-
patible with liberty, does not depend upon the dura-
tion of the official term, but upon the amount of power
invested. The Dictatorship in Rome was an office of
brief existence, generally shorter than the Presidential
term. Whether the elective franchise be an adequate
security or not, is a problem to be solved next Novem-
ber. 1 hope and believe it yet is. But if Mr. Van Bu-
ren shall be re-elected, the power already acquired by
the executive be retained, and that which is in pro-
gress be added to that department, it is my deliberate
judgment that there will be no hope remaining for the
continuance of the liberties of the country.
'' And yet the partisans of this tremendous executive
power arrogate to themselves the name of Democrats,
and bestow upon us who are opposed to it the denomi-
nation of Federalists! In the Senate of the United
States there are five gentlemen who were members of
the Federal party, and four of them have been suddenly
transformed into Democrats; and are now warm sup-
porters of this administration, whilst I, who had ex-
erted the humblest of my humble abilities to arouse the
natio'nto a vindication of its insulted honor and its vi-
Political Campaign of 1840. 201
olated rights, and to the vigorous prosecution of the
war against Great Britain, to which they were violently
opposed, find myself, by a sort of magical influence,
converted into a Federalist! The only American citi-
zen that I evdr met with, who was an avowed mon-
archist, was a supporter of the administration of Gen-
eral Jackson; and he acknowledged to me that his mo-
tive was to bring about the system of monarchy which
his judgment preferred.
"There were other points of difference between the
Federalist and the Democratic or rather Republican
party of 1798; but the great, leading, prominent dis-
crimination between them related to the constitution
of the executive department of the Government. The
Federalists believed that, in its structure, it was too
weak and was in danger of being crushed by the pre-
ponderating weight of the legislative branch. Hence,
they rallied around the executive, and sought to give
to it strength and energy. A strong Government, an
energetic executive was among them the common
language and the great object of that day. The Re-
publicans, on the contrary, believed that the real dan-
ger lay on the side of the executive; that, having a
continuous and uninterrupted existence, it was always
on the alert, ready to defend the power it had, and
prompt in acquiring more; and that the experience of
history demonstrated that it was the encroaching and
usurping department. They therefore rallied around
the people and the legislature.
" What are the positions of the two great parties of
the present day? Modern Democracy has reduced the
Federal theory of a strong and energetic executive to
practical operation. It has turned from the people,
the natural ally of genuine Democracy, to the execu-
tive, and, instead of vigilance, jealousy, and distrust,
has given to that department all its confidence, and
made to it a virtual surrender of all the powers of Gov-
ernment. The recognized maxim of royal infallibility
is transplanted from the British monarchy into modern
American Democracy, and the President can do no
wrong. This new school adopts, modifies, changes,
2O2 . Reminiscences of the
renounces, renews opinions at the pleasure of the ex-
ecutive. Is the bank of the United States a useful and
valuable institution? Yes, unanimously pronounces
the Democratic legislature of Pennsylvania. The
President vetoes it as a pernicious and dangerous es-
tablishment. The Democratic majority in the same
legislature pronounce it to be pernicious and danger-
ous. The Democratic majority of the House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States declare the deposits of
the public money in the bank of the United States to
be safe. The President says they are unsafe, and re-
moves them. The Democracy say they are unsafe,
and approve the removal. The President says that a
scheme of a sub-treasury is revolutionary and disorgan-
izing. The Democracy say it is revolutionary and
disorganizing. The President says it is wise and salu-
tary. The Democracy say it is wise and salutary.
" The Whigs of 18~40 stand where the Republicans
of 1798 stood, and 'where the Whigs of the Revolution
-were, battling for liberty, for the people, for free in-
stitutions, against power, against corruption, against
executive encroachments, against monarchy.
" We are reproached with struggling for offices and
their emoluments. If we acted on the avowed and
acknowledged principle of our opponents, 'that the
spoils belong to the victors,' we should indeed be un-
worthy of the support of the people. No, fellow-citi-
zens, higher, nobler, more patriotic motives actuate the
Whig party. Their object is the restoration of the
Constitution, the preservation of liberty, the rescue of
the country. If they were governed by the sordid
and selfish motives acted upon by their opponents, and
unjustly imputed to them, to acquire office and emolu-
ment, they have only to change their names, and enter
the Presidential palace. The gate is always wide open,
and the path is no narrow one which leads through it.
The last comer, too, often fares best.
" On a resurvey of the past few years we behold
enough to sicken and sadden the hearts of true patriots.
Executive encroachment has quickly followed upon
executive encroachment; persons honored by public
Political Campaign of 1840. 203
confidence, and from whom nothing but grateful and
parental measures should have flowed, have inflicted
stunning blow after blow in such rapid succession that
before the people could recover from the reeling effects
of one, another has fallen heavily upon them. Had either
of various instances of executive misrule stood out sep-
arate and alone, so that its enormity might have been
seen and dwelt upon with composure, the condemna-
tion of the executive would have long since been pro-
nounced; but it has hitherto found safety and impunity
in the bewildering effects of the multitude of its mis-
deeds. The nation has been in the condition of a man
who, having gone to bed after his barn has been con-
sumed by fire, is aroused in the morning to witness his
d'welling-house wrapt in flames. So bold and pre-
sumptuous had the executive become that penetrating
in its influence the hall of a co-ordinate branch of the
Government by means of a submissive or instructed
majority of the Senate it has caused a record of the
country to be effaced and expunged, the inviolability of
which was guaranteed by a solemn injunction of the
Constitution. And that memorable and scandalous
scene was enacted only because the offensive record
contained an expression of disapprobation of an exec-
utive proceeding.
" If this state of things were to remain; if the pro-
gress of executive usurpation were to continue un-
checked, hopeless despair would seize the public mind,
or the people would be goaded to acts of open and
violent resistance. But, thank God, the power of the
President, fearful and rapid as its strides have been, is
not yet too great for the power of the elective fran-
chise; and a bright and glorious prospect in the elec-
tion of William Henry Harrison has opened upon the
country. The necessity of a change of rulers has
deeply penetrated the heart of the people, and we
every v here behold cheering manifestations of that
happy event. The fact of his election alone, without
reference to the measures of his administration, will
powerfully contribute to the security and happiness of
the people. It will bring assurance of the cessation of
204 Reminiscences of the
that long series of disastrous experiments which have
so greatly afflicted the people. Confidence will im-
mediately revive, credit be restored, active business
will return, prices of -products will rise, and the peo-
ple will feel and know that, instead of their servants
lacing occupied in devising measures for their ruin and
destruction, they will be assiduously employed in pro-
moting their welfare and prosperity.
" Whatever is the work of man, necessarily partakes
of his imperfections; and it was not to be expected
that, with all the acknowledged wish and virtues of
the framers of our Constitution they could have sent
forth a plan of Government so free from all defect, and
so full of guarantees, that it should not, in the conflict
of embittered parties and excited passions be perverted
and misinterpreted. Misconceptions or erroneous con-
structions of the powers granted in the Constitution
would probably have occurred, after the lapse of many
years, in seasons of entire calm and with a regular arid
temperate administration of the Government; but dur-
ing the last twelve years the machine, driven by a
reckless charioteer with a frightful impetuosity, has been
greatly jarred and jolted, and it needs careful examina-
tion and a thorough repair.
" With a view, therefore, to the fundamental charac-
ter of the Government itself, and especially of the ex-
ecutive branch, it seems to me that, either by amend-
ments of the Constitution, when they are necessary, or
by remedial legislation, when the object falls within
the scope of the powers of Congress, there should be,
1. A provision to render a person ineligible to the
office of President of the United States after a serv-
ice" of one term.
"Much observation and deliberate reflection have
satisfied me that too much of the time, the thoughts, and
the exertions of the incumbent are occupied during his
first term, in securing his re-election. The public busi-
ness, consequently, suffers; and measures are proposed
or executed with less regard to the general prosperity
than to their influence upon the approaching election.
If the limitation to one term existed, the President
Political Campaign of 1840. 205
would be exclusively devoted to the discharge of his
public duties; and he would endeavor to signalize his
administration by the beneficence and wisdom of its
measures.
" 2. That the veto power should be more precisely de-
fined, and be subjected to further limitations and qual-
ifications. Although a large, perhaps the largest, pro-
portion of all the acts of Congress, since the com-
mencement of the Government, were passed within
the three last days of the session, and when of course
the President for the time being had not the ten days
for consideration allowed by the Constitution, Presi-
dent Jackson, availing himself of that allowance, has
failed to return important bills. When not returned
by the President within the ten days, it is questionable
whether they are laws or not. It is very certain that
the next Congress cannot act upon them by deciding
whether or not they shall become laws, the President's
objections notwithstanding. All this ought to be pro-
vided for.
"At present, a bill returned by the President can only
become a law by the concurrence of two-thirds of the
members of each House. I think if Congress passes
a bill after discussion and consideration, and, after
weighing the objections of the President, still believes
it ought to pass, it should become a law, provided a
majority of all the members of each House concur in
its passage. If the weight of his argument and the
weight of his influence conjointly cannot prevail on a
majority, against their previous convictions, in my
opinion, the bill ought not to be arrested. Such is the
provision of the constitutions of several of the States,
and that of Kentucky among them.
" 3. The power of dismission from office should be re-
stricted, and the exercise of it be rendered responsible.
"The constitutional concurrence of the Senate is
necessary to the confirmation of all important appoint-
ments; but, without consulting the Senate, without
any other motive than resentment or caprice, the Pres-
ident may dismiss, at his sole pleasure, an officer
created by the joint action of himself and the Senate.
2o6 Reminiscences of the
The practical effect is to nullify the agency of the Sen-
ate. There may be, occasionally, cases in which the
public interest requires an immediate dismission with-
out waiting for the assembling of the Senate; but, in
all such cases the President should be bound to com-
municate fully the grounds and motives of the dismis-
sion. The power would be thus rendered responsible.
Without it, the exercise of the power is utterly repug-
nant to free institutions, the basis of which is perfect
responsibility and dangerous to the public liberty, as
has been allready shown.
"^. That the control over the Treasury of the United
States should be confided and confined exclusively to
Congress; and all Authority of the President over it by
means of dismissing the Secretary of the Treasury. _ or
other persons having the immediate charge of it, be
rigorously precluded.
" You have heard much, fellow-citizens, of the divorce
of banks and government. After crippling them and
impairing their utility, the executive and its partisans
have systematically denounced them. The executive
and the country were warned again and again of the
fatal course that has been pursued; but the execctive
nevertheless persevered, commencing by praising and
ending by decrying the State banks. Under cover of
the smoke which has been raised, the real object all
along has been, and yet is to obtain the possession of
the money-power of the Union. That accomplished
and sanctioned by the people — the union of the sword
and the purse in the hands of the President effectually
secured — and farewell to American liberty. The sub-
treasury is the scheme for effecting that union; and, I
am told, that of all the days in the year, that which
gave birth to our national existence and freedom is the
selected day to be disgraced by ushering into existence
a measure imminently perilous to the liberty which, on
that anniversary, we commemorate in joyous festivals.
Thus, in the spirit of destruction which animates our
rulers, would they convert a day of gladness and of
glory into a day of sadness and mourning. Fellow-
citizens, there is one divorce urgently demanded by
Political Campaign of 1840. 207
the safety and highest interests of the country, a divorce
of the President from the treasury of the United States.
"And 5. That the appointment of members of Con-
gress to any office, or any but a few specified offices, dur-
ing their continuance in office, and for one year there-
after be prohibited*
"This is a hackneyed theme, but it is not less deserv-
ing serious consideration. The Constitution now inter-
dicts the appointment of a member of Congress to any
office created, or the emoluments of which had been in-
creased whilst he was in office. In the purer days of
the Republic that restriction might have been sufficient,
but in these more degenerate times, it is necessary, by
an amendment of the Constitution to give the princi-
ples greater extent.
"These are the subjects, in relation to the permanent
character of the Government itself, which, it seems to
me, are worthy of the serious attention of the people,
and of a new administration. There are others, of an
administrative nature, which require prompt and care-
ful consideration.
"i. The currency of the country, its stability and
uniform value, and, as intimately and indissolubly con-
nected with it, the insurance of the faithful perform-
ance of the fiscal services necessary to the Government
should be maintained and secured by exercising all the
powers requisite to those objects with which Congress
is constitutionally invested. These are the great ends
to be aimed at, the means are of subordinate impor-
tance. Whether these ends, indispensable to the well-
being of both the people and the Government, are to
be attained by sound and safe State banks, care-
fully selected and properly distributed, or by a new
bank of the United States, with such limitations, con-
ditions, and restrictions as have been indicated by ex-
perience, should be left to the arbitrament of enlight-
ened public opinion.
"Candor and truth require me to say that, in my
judgment, whilst banks continue to exist in the coun-
try, the services of a bank of the United States cannot
be safely dispensed with. I think that the power to
208 Reminiscences of the
establish such a bank is a settled question; settled by
Washington and by Madison, by forty years' acquies-
cence, by the judiciary, and by both of the great par-
ties which so long held sway in this country. I know
and I respect the contrary opinion, which is enter-
tained in this State. But, in my deliberate view of the
matter, the power to establish such a bank being set-
tled, and being a necessary and proper power, the
only question is as to the expediency of its exercise.
And on questions of mere expediency, public opin-
ion ought to have a controlling influence. With-
out banks, I believe we cannot have a sufficient cur-
rency; without a bank of the United States I fear we
cannot have a sound currency. But it is the end, that
of a sound and sufficient currency, and a faithful exe-
cution of the fiscal duties of Government, that should
engage the dispassionate and candid consideration of
the whole community. There is nothing in the name
of a -bank of the United States which has any mag-
ical charm, or to which any one need be wedded. It is
to secure certain great objects, without which society
cannot prosper; and if, contrary to my apprehension,
these objects can be accomplished by dispensing with
the agency of a bank of the United States, and em-
ploying that of.State banks, all ought to rejoice and
heartily acquiesce, and none would more than I should.
U2. That the public lands, in conformity with the
trusts created expressly, or by just implication, on
their acquisition, be administered in a spirit of lib-
erality towards the new States and Territories, and in
a spirit of justice towards all the States.
"The land bill, which was rejected by President Jack-
son, and acts of occasional legislation, will accomplish
both these objects. I regret that the time does notad-
mif of my exposing here the nefarious plans and pur-
poses of the administration as to this vast natioual re-
source. That, like every other great interest of the
countrv, is administered with the sole view of the ef-
fect upon the interests of the party in power. A bill has
passed the Senate, and is now pending before the
House, according to which forty millions of dollars are
Political Campaign of 1840. 209
stricken from the real value of a certain portion of the
public lands by a short process; and a citizen of Virginia
residing on the southwest side of the Ohio is not al-
lowed to purchase lands as cheap by half a dollar per
acre as a citizen living on the northwest side of that
river. I have no hesitation in expressing my convic-
tion that the whole public domain is gone if Mr. Van
Buren be re-elected.
"3. THAT THE POLICY OF PROTECTING AND ENCOUR-
AGING THE PRODUCTIONS OF AMERICAN INDUSTRY, EN-
TERING INTO COMPETITION WITH THE RIVAL PRODUC-
TIONS OF FOREIGN INDUSTRY, HE ADHERED TO AND
MAINTAINED ON THE BASIS OF THE PRINCIPLES AND
IN THE SPIRIT OF THE COMPROMISE OF MARCH, 1833.
u PROTECTION AND NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ARE,
IN MY OPINON, IDENTICAL AND SYNONYMOUS. THE
PRINCIPLE OF ABANDONMENT OF THE ONE CANNOT BE
SURRENDERED WITHOUT A FORFEITURE OF THE OTHER.
Who, with just pride and national sensibility, can think
of subjecting the products of our industry to all the
taxation and restraints of foreign powers, without ef-
fort on our part to counteract their prohibitions and
burdens by suitable countervailing legislation? These
questions cannot be, ought not to be, one of principle,
but of measure and degree. I adopt that of the com-
promise act, not because that act is irrepealable, but be-
cause it met with the sanction of the nation. Stability
with moderate and certain protection, is far more im-
portant than instability, the necessary consequence of
high protection. But the protection of the compromise
act will be adequate, in most, if not as to all interests.
The twenty per cent, which it stipulates, cash duties,
home valuations, and the list of free articles inserted in
the act for the particular advantage of the manufacturer,
will insure, I trust, sufficient protection. All together,
they will amount probably to not less than thirty per
cent. — a greater extent of protection than was secured
prior to the act of 1828, which no one stands up to
defend. Now, the valuation of foreign goods is not
made by the American authority, except in suspected
cases, but by foreigners and abroad. They assess the
14
2io Reminiscences of the
value and we the duty; but, as the duty depends, in
most cases on the value, it is manifest that those who
assess the value fix the duty. The home valuation
will give our Government what it rightfully possesses,
both the power to ascertain the true valuation of the
thing which it taxes, as well as the amount of that tax.
"4- That a strict and wise economy in the disburse-
ment of the public money be steadily enforced; and that,
to that end, all useless establishments, all unnecessary
offices and places, foreign and domestic, and all extrav-
agance, either in the collection or expenditure of the
public revenue be abolished and repressed.
" I have not time to dwell on details in the applica-
tion of this principle. I will say that a pruning knife,
long, broad, and sharp, should be applied to every de-
partment or the Government. There is abundant
scope for honest and skillful surgery. The annuafex-
penditure may, in reasonable time, be brought down
from its present amount of about forty millions to near
one-third of that sum.
" 5. That several States have made such great and
gratifying progress in their respective systems of in-
ternal improvement, and have been so aided by the
distribution under the deposit act, that, in future, the
erection of new roads and canals should be left to them
with such further aid only from the General Govern-
ment as they would derive from the payment of the
last installment under that act, from an absolute re-
linquishment of the right of Congress to call upon
them to refund the previous installments, and from that
equal and just quotas, to be received by the future dis-
tribution of the net proceeds from the sales of public
lands. And
" 6. That the right to slave property being guaranteed
by the Constitution and recognized as one of the com-
promises incorporated in that instrument by our an-
cestors, should beleft where the Constitution has placed
it, undisturbed and unagitated by Congress.
"These, fellow-citizens, are views both of the struc-
ture of the Government and its administration which
appear to me worthy of commanding the grave atten-
Political Campaign of 1840. 211
tion of the public and its new servants. Although,
I repeat, I have neither authority nor purpose to com-
mit anybody else, I believe most, if not all of them are
entertained by the political friends with whom I have
acted., Whether the salutary reforms which they in-
clude will be effected or considered, depends upon the
issue of that great struggle which is now going on
throughout all this country. This contest has had no
parallel since the period of the Revolution. In both in-
stances there is a similarity of object. That 'was to
achieve, this is to preserve the liberties of the country.
Let us catch the spirit which animated and imitate the
virtues which adorned our noble ancestors. Their de-
votion, their constancy, their untiring activity, their
perseverence, their indomitable resolution, their sacri-
fices, their valor! If they fought for liberty or death,
in the memorable language of one of the most illustri-
ous of them, let us never forget that the prize now at
hazard is liberty or slavery. We should be encouraged
by the fact that the contest, to the success of which
they solemnly pledged their fortunes, their lives, and
their sacred honor, was far more unequal than that in
which we are engaged. But, on the other hand, let us
cautiously guard against too much confidence. History
and experience prove that more has been lost by self-
confidence and contempt of enemies than won by skill
and courage. Our opponents are powerful in numbers
and in organization; active, insidious, possessed of
ample means, and wholly unscrupulous in the use of
them. They count upon success by the use of two
words, Democracy and Federalism Democracy, which,
in violation of all truth, they appropriate to themselves,
and Federalism, which, in violation of all justice, they
apply to us. And allow me to conjure } ou not to suffer
yourselves to be diverted, deceived, or discouraged by
the false rumors which will be industriously circulated
between the present time and the period of the elec-
tion, by our opponents. They will put them forth in
every variety, and without number, in the most impos-
ing forms, certified and sworn to by conspicuous names.
They will brag, they will boast, they will threaten.
212 Reminiscences of the
Regardless of all their arts, let us keep steadily and
faithfully and fearlessly at work.
"But if the opposition perform its whole duty; if
every member of it act as in the celebrated battle of
Lord Nelson, as if the eyes of the whole nation were
fixed on him, and as if on his sole exertions depended
the issue of the day, I sincerely believe that at least
twenty of the States of the Union will unite in the glor-
ious work of the salvation of the Constitution and the
redemption of the country.
"Friends and fellow-citizens, I have detained you
too long. Accept my cordial thanks and my profound
acknowledgments for the honors of this day, and for
all your feelings of attachment towards me; and allow
me, in conclusion, to propose a sentiment:
" Hanover county: It was the first, in the commence-
ment of the Revolution, to raise its arms, under the lead
of Patrick Henry, in defense of American liberty; it
will be the last to prove false or recreant to the holy
cause."
LOG CABIN RAISING AT ALBANY.
THE PEOPLE ARE COMING, HA, HA! HA, HA!
The great log cabin raising at Albany, New York,
on July 10, brought in the old Dutch farmers from the
ancient settlements of the county, and the timbers
went up in quick time. Over 5,000 Whigs were
present. The ladies thronged Stanwise Hall and
buildings around, and the feasting on corn bread,
cheese and hard cider, together with speeches from
Mr. Edmonds and others went on to a late hour.
The Whigs of New York had a great celebration of
the 4th at the Tabernacle. The Declaration was read
by Samuel G. Raymond, Esq., and there was an elo-
quent oration by John A. Sargeant, Esq.
At Poughkeepsie and Hudson there were also large
Whig gatherings.
Political Campaign of 1840. 213
At Newcastle, Georgia, on the 4th, there was an im-
mense Harrison meeting.
The Whigs of Philadelphia had a glorious celebra-
tion on the island opposite that city on the 4th of July,
and were addressed by John M. Botts, of Virginia;
Alford, of Georgia; White, of Kentucky; R. Biddle
and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, and others.
A large log cabin was raised at New Orleans on
the 1 3th of June for a place of meeting.
There was a great Whig meeting and log-cabin rais-
ing at "North Bend," in Talbot county, Maryland, on the
i6th of June; ''open house was kept" in the peculiar
way of the Eastern Shore, and the invitation was gen-
eral, ''Won't you take pot luck with me ?"
At Easton, there was a mammoth meeting July 15,
whereat the Eastern Shore, with its 130 miles and ag-
gregate population greater than Delaware or Rhode
Island, turned out over 25,000 people to shout and
work for Harrison and Tyler. All the classes were
represented, and log cabins and canoes were numerous,
and hard cider as liberally dispensed in gourds, and
joy reigned supreme.
At Vienna, on Barren Creek, Maryland, Whig cele-
bration, a splendid batteau labeled, "Tippecanoe"
decorated with banners and flags, placed on wheels
and drawn by four horses, commanded by F. Chelton.
Mr. Allison Parsons, of Salsbury, was there with
his fine canoe, "Tip," also on wheels and decorated
with flags. Mr. Isaac Leonard had another beautiful
canoe, and other devices were there. Speeches
were made by C. H. Pitts, Yates Walsh, John L. Kerr.
Much enthusiasm, and hospitality was unbounded.
Over one thousand sturdy Whigs of Arkansas met
at Little Rock, on the i3th and i4th, and were ad-
dressed by Albert Pike, William Byers and others.
At Steubenville, Ohio, over ten thousand freemen
met in convention and were addressed by Gen. Sam.
Stokely, Colonel James Collier and others.
New Jersey met in convention at Trenton, and
chose as electors, Dr. Lewis Condict, Cornelius Lup-
ton, James Iliff, J. M. Ryerson, John Rank, Sam.
214 Reminiscences of the
C. Wright, Thomas Newbold and Joshua Townsend.
At Cadiz, Ohio, on July 4, there was a strange and
exciting scene. There were two meetings held, and, as
the processions were passing, a "Harrison" banner was
unfurled in the Democratic line by one who spoke to
them and then marched out with sixty others into the
Republican crowd. On the banner were lettered the
noble words of Levi Mallonee, " Strike My Name
From the Nottingham List! I Can Do That Work
No- More."
On the 3oth of July there was an immense Republi-
can meeting at Charlestown, Virginia.
The Whig State central committee, of New York,
from Albany, on the 2oth, put out a rousing address to
the Whigs of the Union.
At Henderson, Kentucky, over three thousand peo-
ple met July 20 and were addressed by Judge Under-
wood and others.
The patriotic Whigs of Pittsylvania, Virginia, gave
a public dinner on the 2^th to Hon. Waddy Thompson,
of South Carolina, who delivered to them an eloquent
address.
At Columbus, Georgia, more than three thousand
persons attended a Tippecanoe celebration.
At Tallahassee, Florida, a grand Harrison and reform
meeting was addressed by General Clinch and Gen-
eral Flovd.
HILLSBOROUGH, OHIO, MEETING.
A SAMPLE OF OHIO GATHERINGS FOR HARRISON
AND REFORM.
Notice had been given a few weeks previously, and
arrangements made for a convention of the three coun-
ties of Adams, Fayette, and Highland, to select and
nominate their candidates for the legislature and pre-
pare for the coming contest in October.
Political Campaign of 1840. 215
Our friends everywhere were invited to attend on
the 3Oth of July, and as it was designed to make this a
proud day for Harrison and reform, we specially ad-
dressed Messrs. Corwin, Bond, and Governor Morrow,
of Ohio; and Hon. H. Clay, Southgate, and General
Collins, of Kentucky. Mr. Corwin* (whom we de-
light to honor as the late representative in Congress
from this district) was obliged to be at Steubenville to
meet Governor Shannon; and Mr. Clay, from pressing
private engagements, was prevented from being pres-
ent. The other gentlemen named above were, with
Richard Douglass, Esq., of Chillicothe, and other cham-
pions, on the ground; Professor Galloway, of Indiana,
and young Buckeye Carson, of Ross county, also ad-
dressed the meeting. But the people were here! The
hardy and industrious yeomany of the Buckeye soil —
the laborer and the mechanic, the merchant and pro-
fessional man, with their families, their wives, their
sons and daughters, all, all were with us, with ap-
propriate badges and banners, with log cabins, Fort
Meigs, and balls rolling, with bands of music pealing
their martial notes, reverberating wildly through our
highland hills and valleys for many a mile. The dele-
gates arriving from every point of the compass, in heavy
columns of thousands, and processions from three dif-
ferent roads, extending upwards of a mile, presented
a scene the -most thrilling and imposing. Here was
an ai my of peaceful and patriotic citizens, whose march
was that of firmness and devotion to the cause of their
country. The wide and ample streets of our handsome
village could not contain even the advance guard of the
swelling columns of freemen, and our marshals were
obliged to conduct the different divisions as they ar-
rived to the extensive and beautiful grove adjacent,
which was prepared for the convention. There they
were all concentrated by 1 1 a. m., and during the day
from fifteen to twenty thousand people listened attent-
ively to the eloquent and forcible appeals of Bond,
Southgate, and that well-tried and veteran statesman,
Governor Morrow. Tables, upwards of twelve thou-
sand feet in length, and provisions to cover them, were
216 Reminiscences of the
at hand, where ladies and gentlemen (during a recess
of thirty minutes) partook of substantial log cabin
fare.
The speaker's stand was a^ain occupied; Bond was
at home, with facts for the people, while Southga-te's
fervid and impassioned eloquence sent them home to
the conviction of every honest and unprejudiced mind.
Governor Monow's plain and practical speech, char-
acterized by good sense and enforced by that sterling
integrity and political honesty, unimpeached and un-
impeachable, was well adapted to the occasion, and
produced a strong and deep impression. In the ab-
sence of General Collins at the moment, Mr. Gallr-
way followed Governor Morrow in an able speech,
and closed the discussion of the day. Hundreds, pe; -
haps thousands, remained during the night, crowding
the private dwellings of our citizens. The public
square was splendidly illuminated, and our speakers
were again called to the stand. R. Douglass, Esq., of
Chillicothe, a well-tried soldier **nd patriot of 1812,
was first called for, and he , responded in an able
and effective speech. Next was presented a native
''Buckeye Boy," Mr. Carson, of Ross county, a tanner
and currier, who, amid the loud and repeated cheers
of tlie audience, occupied the stump for about three
hours, in which time he tanned and curried Kendall &
Co. with neatness and dispatch. Southgate gave the
valedictory the next morning, and left for a convention
next day in Warren. Revolutionary soldiers, soldiers
of Wayne and of Harrison's campaign of 1813, were
here, all joyously responding to the tribute paid to the
worth of Harrison, and repelling indignantly the in-
sults offered' to their gallant chief by Kendall and his
tribe of pensioned slanderers.
Hope an$ joy seemed to animate every breast, while
the smiles of the virtuous fair chastened and subdued
the strong and indignant feeling of freemen, aroused to a
.sense of the wrongs and outrages which they have
suffered and borne with patience too long.
We are prepared to engage in the approaching con-
test against a hitherto superior force, and we hope
Political Campaign of 1840. 217
not only to maintain our outposts, but to plant the
standard of Harrison and reform firmly upon the ram-
parts of the enemy, and force him from his strongholds
in Adams, Highland and Fayette.
GEN. VAN RENSSELAER'S SPEECH.
REMARKS OF GEN. STEPHEN VAN RENSSELAEK, AT
THE DINNER GIVEN TO HIM IN CINCINNATI, IN
JULY, 1840.
After the sixth toast was read. General Van Rens-
selaer returned his thanks for the compliment by the
following remarks, which were read by his friend,
Colonel Pendleton, in consequence of General Van
Rensselaer's voice having been impaired by the wound
in the lungs received at the battle of Maumee :
"GENTLEMEN: I am altogether unaccustomed to
public speaking; my life has been one of action rather
than words; my hand has been more conversant with
the sword than the pen. I cannot, however, suffer the
sentiment which you have just given to pass without
the expression of my most grateful acknowledgments.
While that sentiment, gentlemen, received with so
much cordiality, is justly flattering to the pride of an
old soldier, it recalls events and scenes productive of
other and better emotions. Your allusion to the
Maumee carries me back to the year 1792, when a
youth of eighteen years of age, with the commission of
General Washington in my pocket, and I trust, some
share of his principles in my bosom. I first landed in
Cincinnati. And what a mighty change has been
wrought in that short period ! What higher eulogy
can be passed upon the enlightened enterprise of your
people than the simple fact that the humble individual
who now addresses you saw the site of your noble
city when there were no houses but a few rudely con-
structed log cabins along the bank of your river, and
2i8 Reminiscences of the
the challenge of the sentinels on the parapet of old.
Fort Washington alone interrupted the universal
silence. The line of the canal was then our Northern
frontier, beyond which the lurking Indian made it unsafe
to penetrate; and the pursuit of a stray horse among this
magnificent amphitheatre of hills surrounding your
city was conducted with little of the pomp, to be sure,
but much of the precaution of a military incursion.
With the exception of a few old settlements on the
Wabash and Mississippi, whose inhabitants had be-
come incorporated with the surrounding Indian tribes,
there were no white men in the whole Northwest
Territory, comprising now your great State and the
States of Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin
Territory. The roaming Indian alone possessed it.
Where are they now ? They are gone like the falling
leaves of their own boundless forests ; but unlike those
leaves, no reviving Spring shall witness their return.
Such was Cincinnati. What is it now after the lapse
of forty-eight years? I was indebted to the politeness
of the Mechanics' Institute for an invitation to their
fair last evening, and had I a catalogue of the articles
there exhibited, I would produce it as the most elo-
quent and comprehensive answer to the interesting
question, "What is Cincinnati now?" The exquis-
ite symmetry and beauty of the various articles bore
ample testimony to the skill of your workers in wood,
and in brass and in iron, while nothing can exceed the
good taste exhibited in the many ornamental specimens
of the Institute.
" I cannot, however, omit to remark, and, if it will
not be considered invidious, commend the vast pro-
portion in which the useful exceeds the merely orna-
mental. The combined effect of the whole exhibition
forces upon the mind the reflection that he who would
discover the secretof the unparalleled growth of Cincin-
nati, and its comparative exemption from the general
embarrassment of the times, must seek it in her work-
shops and in her factories.
" From this balcony, fellow-citizens, my eye rests
upon the ground where it was my daily duty to ma-
Political Campaign of 1840. 219
neuver my troops; and when I recall the scene as it
then existed and compare it with what I now see, it
fills me with emotions which no language is adequate
to express. The thoughtless inconsideration of youth
is proverbially short-sighted; but what imagination
could then have boded forth the grand realities which
now surround it? The inclosures of some dozen mis-
erable huts, Fort Washington and the low ground on
what is now Columbia street, then called Hudson's
Choice, were the only points which had been cleared
of the Forest. Your handsome private buildings, your
noble public school-houses, your magnificent churches
have succeeded, and a log cabin is not to be found
within the bounds of your fair city, except a.s an ap-
propriate emblem of the youthful ardor, the indomita-
ble spirit, the pure and disinterested public virtue,
which, through years of toil and danger, such as they
only can conceive who have felt them, have watched
over the infant settlement of the great West, and pro-
tected the log cabins and their hardy and adventurous
inmates from the tomahawk and scalping knife of the
relentless savage.
"At this period I first became acquainted with Har-
rison, he nineteen years old, and I one year younger.
We were, for a long time, the youngest officers in the
army, and I am happy to say, at this distant period,
that the friendship thus formed upon youthful sympa-
thies and congenial dispositions proved too strong for
time and absence, and we met in New York in 1827,
after a separation of thirty years, the same warm friends
as we had parted on this spot in '97. This period re-
calls to my mind the inauguration of the elder Adams,
and with it the charge against General Harrison of
"ancient Federalism." I am a living witness that, at
the period to which I refer, the charge was without
the slightest foundation. The republican principles of
Harrison were then as well known as his chivalric
spirit, and he had no superior in either. It has been
reserved for the politicians of the present day, even
while surrounded by the monuments of his civil and
military virtues, to question both. General Wayne was
22O Reminiscences of the
a severe disciplinarian as well as an able general and a
gallant soldier. He exacted the most punctilious con-
formity to all the rules of militaty life; particularly did
he exhibit himself and require his staff to exhibit a
constant example of the conduct he required of others.
Brave, temperate and laborious himself, he selected his
staff for qualities similar to his. own. Of such a mili-
tary family thus organized Harrison became a mem-
ber in the confidential relation of aide-de-camp. The
delicate duties of that responsible station he performed,
not only with the entire approbation of Wayne, but the
satisfaction of every officer in the army with whom
his duties brought him into a most daily intercourse;
and such was his uniform urbanity and kindness to the
soldiers that their respect for him as an officer was
only equaled by their love for him as a man.
"The first Northwest army, while in winter quar-
ters in the wilderness, had few amusements to vary the
dull routine of camp duty. The consequence was
that habits of dissipation were acquired by many of
the officers, whose rank and age made the habit con-
tagious. Harrison, though of an age peculiarly weak
against such temptations, was strengthened to success-
ful reMstance by an unquenchable thirst for knowledge,
both general and professional. Temperate, active and
studious — then, as now, he lost no time. Then, as
now, the sun never found him in bed; and the inter-
vals of military duty were devoted to a course of ex-
tensive historical reading.
"The battle of the Maumee, on 2oth August, 1794,
was fought by the Indians with the most desperate
courage. There was no point of the line at which the
danger was not imminent. As aide de-camp it was
Harrison's duty to carry the orders of the general to
any part of the army. Thes eorders, of course, were
most fiequent where the fight was thickest, and in
those parts of the fight I generally saw him on that
eventful day.
"I can attest the truth of the remark said to be
made by General Wilkinson and Colonel Shambaughv
that Harrison was in the front of the hottest battle; his
Political Campaign of 1840. 221
person was exposed from the commencement to the
close of the action; wherever duty called he hastened,
regardless of danger, and by his efforts and example
contributed as much to secure the fortunes of the day
as any other subordinate to the commander-in-chief.
" General Wayne, in his official account of the bat-
tle, after naming several officers who distinguished
themselves, says: 'I must add the names of my faith-
ful and gallant aides-de-camp. Captains De Butts
and T. Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison, who, with the
Adjutant-General Major Mills, rendered the most
essential service by communicating my orders in every
direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting
the troops to press for victory.'
" I was stationed with my troop on the extreme left,
and the order to me to charge was delivered by Harri-
son. In that charge I was severely, it was thought,
mortally, wounded. Perhaps I owe my life to the prompt
attention of my young friend, who carried me to the
general's tent, and nursed and watched me with the
tenderness and affection of a brother.
" Of the officers of that army, so far as my knowl-
edge extends, there were but four who survive, Gen-
erals Harrison and Brady, and Major John Posey, of
Kentucky, who was a cornet in my troop, and myself.
General Wayne, whose best eulogy is the grateful and
affectionate remembrance of the people of the West,
was wholly unnoticed by Congress, and died at a mis-
erable hovel in Pennsylvania; and there, without a
stone to mark the place, his body was deposited. And
now, when the people are calling their friend and
neighbor from his farm by acclamation, to redeem the
country from degradation to which it has been reduced
by a selfish and designing politician, the others have
gone forth to charge upon him, whom the people
assemble in unheard-of numbers to honor, the most
detestable crimes, civil and military, which the wildest
imagination, unrestrained by a single moral sense, can
conceive; military crimes which, if true, would long
since have consigned his body to a felon's tomb and his
memory to general execration; civil offenses and delin-
2" 2 2 Reminiscences of the
quencies, which, if true, think you he would now stand
first, as he does stand first, in the hearts of his country-
men?
" People of Ohio and Indiana! You who have been
the objects of his civil administration, upon you, espe-
cially, devolves the grateful task of asserting the civil
virtues of your old and best-tried friend — to raise his
fair fame far out of the range of the puny shafts of low
ambition; and I hesitate not to believe it will be effi-
ciently performed. You are now called upon in his
old age to repay that immense and accumulating debt
of gratitude which I, an eye witness, not from hear-
say, now testify your fathers incurred in his early
youth.
"The inheritance has descended upon you, and I
will not do you the injustice to doubt, that in Novem-
ber next, you will entitle yourselves to a receipt in full,
from my gallant old friend. Is this the language of
General Harrison? No! disinterested and generous
as brave, he advances no claim upon his country for
services he has rendered. It is the language of his
friend, and your friend — of one removed by age far
from the temptation to flatter either friend or foe.
" What shall I say of charges against his military
character? Nothing. One old soldier cannot be
brought to vindicate the reputation of another old sol-
dier from a charge of cowardice; indignation would
choke my utterance. I appeal from the living to the
dead; I appeal from Van Buren and Kendall to Shelby
and Perry.
" I thank you again, gentlemen, for the kind manner
in which you have been pleased to refer to my early
and humble services.
"Permit me to propose the following sentiment:
'The City of Cincinnati — The wonderful creation of
virtue, intelligence, and enterprise. Her name asso-
ciates in our remembrance the patriotic farmers of old
Rome and young Ohio.' '
During the entertainment, a large concourse of per-
sons had collected in the street opposite to the hotel,
and a solicitation being expressed to hear' addresses
Political Campaign of 1840. 223
from the balcony, the company adjourned to that place,
when a call was made for the reading of General Van
Rensselaer's speech. When it was concluded, Gov-
ernor Poindexter, an invited guest, was called for by
the crowd, and addressed them extensively upon the
subject of general politics. Animated addresses were
then made, by request, by Messrs. White, of Indiana,
Major Chambers and W. W. Southgate, Esq., of Ken-
tucky, William Johnson, Esq., of Cincinnati, and Mr.
Turner, of Baltimore. This entertainment continued
until the approach of night, when the crowd dispersed
in great harmony.
INSULT TO MECHANICS.
The present party in power pretend to be the friends
of the poor man, and insist that they are for reducing
prices by way of aiding the laboring man and the me-
chanic. It was but the other day that an esteemed
correspondent quoted the language of a distinguished
partisan of Mr. Van Buren, who boldly avowed that
they. were for putting down the banks, because the use
of credit enabled the poor man to rise above his con-
dition in life, and to obtrude his sons into the learned
professions. His language, that if the banks were put
down they would not have the use of credit, and the
tinker's son must be a tinker like his father, and the
cobler's son must be a cobler too, but we did not ex-
pect to see the Republican insulting the mechanics of
this city, by denouncing such men as the honest and
patriotic blacksmith of Ohio, and by proclaiming as
the creed of the party, that the blacksmith should stick
to his anvil and the shoemaker to his last Yet here is
the language of the Republican itself. Mechanics,
read:
224 Reminiscences of the
COLD IRON FOR THE BUCKEYE BLACKSMITH, OR AN IMPOS-
TOR LAID BARE.
When this old hat was new, then I heard my mother say
Mechanics stuck close to their work, and seldom went astray,
No growling bears prowl'd through the land — loafers then
were few;
And everything went on so snug, when this old hat was new.
When this old hat was new, by hammer and by hand
Each blacksmith and mechanic lad. throughout our happy land,
Stuck to his anvil or his last, never hard times knew;
For banks were scarce as white black birds, when this old hat
was new!
It would seem that the infatuation of party spirit
would sacrifice every principle that is dear to us as a
people, that all the sources of prosperity are to be dried
up, and that all the avenues to honor and preferment
are to be closed, except it be to the servile instruments
of faction and misrule. Miles Hotchkiss can be re-
warded by an office for playing the hypocrite and
writing an insolent letter to General Harrison. Negroes
can be admitted as witnesses against high-minded offi-
cers of your Navy, but if a blacksmith or a shoemaker
dares to interfere in politics, he and all mechanics are
insulted by being told he should stick to his anvil or
his last! ! ! And this is done in this city of Baltimore,
and in the face of a population consisting so largely of
the mechanic classes!
It is in such things that the arrogance of the purse-
proud office-holder shows itself, and the hypocrisy of
those who would use the mechanics is manifested. —
The Pilot.
Political Campaign of 1840. 225
WEBSTER AT SARATOGA.
SPEECH OF DNNIEL WEBSTER, AT THE GREAT
MASS MEETING AT SARATOGA, ON THE I9TH OF
AUGUST, 1840.
We are here, my friends, in the midst of a great
movement of the people. That a revolution in public
sentiment on some important questions of public policy
has begun, and is in progress, it is vain to attempt to
conceal, and folly to deny. What will be the extent of
this revolution, what its immediate effects upon po-
litical men and political measures — what ultimate
influence it may have on the integrity of the Constitu-
tion, and the permanent prosperity of the country, re-
mains to be seen. Meantime, no one can deny that an
extraordinary excitement exists in the country, such as
has not been witnessed for more than half a century
— not local, not confined to any two, or three, or ten
States, but pervading the whole, from North to South,
and from East to West, with equal force and intensity.
For an effect so general, a cause of equal extent must
exist. No cause, local or partial, can produce conse-
quences so general and universal. In some parts of
the country, indeed, local causes may in some degree
add to the flame; but no local cause, nor any number
of local causes, can account for the general excited
state of the public mind.
In portions of the country devoted to agriculture
and manufactures, we hear complaints of want of
market and of low prices. Yet there are other por-
tions 'of the country which are consumers, and not
producers of food and manufactures, and as purchasers,
they should, it would seem, be satisfied with the low
prices of which the sellers complain; but in these por-
tions too of the country, there is dissatisfaction and
discontent. Everywhere there is complaining and a
desire for change.
There are those who think this excitement among the
people transitory and evanescent I am not of that
15
226 Reminiscences of the
opinion. So far as I can judge, attention to public af-
fairs among the people of the United States has in-
creased, is increasing, and is not likely to be diminished,
and this not in one part of the country, but all over.
This certainly is a fact, if we may judge from recent
information. The breeze of popular excitement is
blowing everywhere. It fans the air in Alabama, and
the Carolinas, and I am of the opinion that when it
shall cross the Potomac, and range along the northern
Alleghanies, it will grow stronger and stronger, until
mingling with the gales of the Empire State and the
mountain blasts of New England, it will blow a per-
fect hurricane.
There are those, again, who think these vast public
meetings are got up by effort, but I say that no effort
can get them up and no effort can keep them down.
There must, then, be some general cause that animates
the whole country. What is that cause? It is upon
this point I propose to give my opinion to-day. I have
no design to offend any feeling, but in perfect plain-
ness to express my views to the vast multitude as-
sembled here. I know there are among them many
who from first to last supported General Jackson. I
know there are many who, if conscience and patriot-
ism had permitted, would support his successor, and I
should ill repay the attention with which they may
honor me by any reviling or denunciation. Again, I
come to play no part of oratory before you. If there
have been times and occasions in my life when I might
be supposed anxious to exhibit myself in such a light,
that period has passed, and this is not one of the occa-
sions. I come to dictate or prescribe to no man. If
my experience, not now short in the affairs of govern-
ment, entitle my opinions to any respect, those opin-
ions are at the service of my fellow citizens. What I
shall state as facts I shall hold myself and my character
responsible for; what I shall state as opinions, all are
alike at liberty to reject or receive; asking only such
fair interpretation of them as the fairness and sincerity
with which they are uttered may claim.
What, then, has excited the whole land from Maine
Political Campaign of 1840. 227
to Georgia, and that gives us assurance that while we
here are meeting in New York in such vast numbers,
other like meetings are holding throughout all the
States? That this cause must be general in its effect is
certain, for it agitates the whole country and not parts
only.
When that fluid in the human system indispensable to
life becomes disordered, corrupted, or obstructed in its
circulation, not the head or the heart alone suffers, but
the whole body, head, heart and hand, all the mem-
bers and all the extremities are affected with deoility,
paralysis, numbness, and death. The analogy between
the human system and the social and political system
is complete, and what the life-blood is to the former
circulation, money, currency, is to the latter; and if that
be disordered or corrupted, paralysis must fall on the
system.
Mr. Webster went into the discussion of the sub-
treasury at great length, which for want of space is
omitted.
PROTECTION TO AMERICAN LABOR.
This leads me naturally to the great subject of
American labor, which has hardly been considered or
discussed as carefully as it deserves. WThat is Ameri-
can labor ? It is best described by saying, it is not
European labor. Nine-tenths of the whole labor of
this country is performed by those who cultivate the
land they or their fathers own, or who in their work-
shops employ some little capital of their own, and mix
it up with their labor. Where does this exist else-
where ? Look at the different departments of in-
dustry, whether agricultural, manufacturing or mechan-
ical, and you will find that in all, the laborers mix up
some little capital with the work of their hands. The
laborer of the United States is the United States;
strike out the laborers of the United States, including
therein all who in some way belong to the industrious or
working classes, and you reduce the population of the
United States from sixteen millions to one million.
The American laborer is expected to have a comforta-
228 Reminiscences of the
ble home, decent, though frugal living; to clothe and
educate his children, to qualify them to take part, as
we are called to do, in the political affairs and Govern-
ment of their country. Can this be said of any Euro-
pean laborer ? Does he take any share in the govern-
ment of his country, or feel it an obligation to educate
his children? There, nine-tenths of the laborers have
no interest in the soil they cultivate, nor in the fabrics
they produce; no hope under any circumstances of rais-
ing themselves, or raising their children above the con-
dition of a day laborer at wages, and only know the
government under which they live by the sense of its
oppressions, which they have no voice in mitigating.
To compare such a state of labor with the labor of
this country, or to reason from that to ours, is prepost-
erous. And yet, the doctrine now is, not of individ-
uals only, but of the administration, that the wages of
American labor must be brought down to the level of
those of Europe.
I have said this is not the doctrine of a few indi-
viduals, and on that head I think injustice has been
done to a Senator from Pennsylvania, who has been
made to bear a large share of the responsibility of sug-
gesting such a policy. If I mistake not, the same idea
is thrown out in the President's message of , and
in the Treasury report. Hear what Mr. Woodbury
says:
*' Should the States not speedily suspend more of their
undertaking which are unproductive, but by new loans
or otherwise find means to employ armies of laborers,
in consuming, rather than raising crops, and should
prices thus continue in many cases to be unnaturally
inflated, as they have been of late years, in the face of
a contracting currency, the effect of it on our finances
would be still more to lessen exports, and consequently,
the prosperity and revenue of our foreign trade."
He is for turning off from the public works these
"armies of laborers" who consume without producing
crops, and thus bring down prices, both of crops and
labor. Diminish the mouths that consume, and multi-
ply the arms that produce, and you have the Treasury
4 Political Campaign of 1840. 229
prescription for mitigating distress and raising prices !
How would that operate in this great State. You have,
perhaps, some fifteen thousand men employed on your
public works — works of the kind that the Secretary
calls "unproductive" — and even with such a demand
as they must produce for provisions, prices are very
low. The Secretary's remedy is to set them to raise
provisions themselves, and thus augmet the supply
while they diminish the demand. In this way the
wages of labor are to be reduced, as well as the prices
of agricultural productions. But this is not all. I have
in my hand an extract from a speech in the House of
Representatives, of a gentleman from New Hampshire,
Mr. Burke, a zealous supporter of the administration,
who maintains that, other things being reduced in pro-
portion, you may reduce the wages of labor without
evil consequences. And where does he seek his ex-
ample? In the Mediterranean. He fixed himself upon
Corsica and Sardinia. But what is the Corsican la-
borer that he should be the model upon which Amer-
ican labor is to be formed ? Does he know anything
himself ? Has he any education, or does he give any to
his children ? Has he a home, a freehold, and the com-
forts of life around him ? No. With a crust of bread
and a handful of olives, his daily wants are satisfied.
And yet from such a state of society the laborer of New
England, the laborer of the United States, is to be
taught submission to low wages. The extract before
me states that the wages of Corsica are, for the male
laborer, 24 cents a day, and the female laborer, n
cents a day. And the honorable gentleman argues,
that owing to the greater cheapness of other articles,
this is relatively as much as the American laborer gets,
and he illustrates the fact by this bill of clothing for a
Corsican laborer: Jacket, lasting 24 months, S francs;
cap, lasting 24 months. 2 francs; waistcoat lasting 36
months, 4 francs; pantaloons, lasting 18 months, 5 francs;
shirt, lasting 12 months, 3 francs; pair of shoes, lasting
6 monts, 6 francs; total, 28 francs.
Now what say you, my friends — what will the farmer
of New York, of Pennsylvania, and New England say,
230 Reminiscences of the
to the idea of walking on Sunday to church at the
head of his family, in his jacket two years old? What
will the young man say, when, his work ended, he de-
sires to visit the families of his neighbors, to the one
pair of pantaloons, not quite two years old indeed, but,
as the farmers say of a colt, coming two next grass,
and which for 18 months have done yeoman's service?
Away with it all — away with this plan for humbling
and degrading the free, intelligent, well educated, and
well-paid labor of the United States to the level of the
almost brute labor of Europe.
There is not much danger that schemes and doctrines
such as these shall find favor with the people. They
understand their own interest too well for that. Gentle-
men, I am a farmer, on the sea-shore, and have, of
course, occasion to employ some degree of agricultural
labor. I am sometimes also rowed out to sea, bei ig,
like other New England men fond of occasionally catch-
ing a fish, and finding health and recreation in warm
weather from the air of the ocean. For the few months
during which I am able to enjoy this retreat from labor,
public or professional, I do not often trouble my neigh-
bors, or they me, with conversation on politics. It
happened, however, about three weeks ago, that on
such an excursion as I have mentioned, with one man
only with me, I mentioned this doctrine of the reduc-
tion of prices, and asked him his opinion of it.
He said he did not like it. I replied, the wages of
labor, it is true, are reduced; but then flour and beef,
and perhaps clothing, all of which you buy, are re-
duced also. What, then, can be your objections ?
Why, said he, it is true that flour is now low; but then
it is an article that may rise suddenly, by means of a
scanty crop, in England, or at home; and if it should
rise from five dollars to ten, I do not know for certain
that it should fetch the price of my labor up with it.
But while wages are high, then I am safe, and if pro-
duce chances to fall, so much the better for me. But
there is another thing. I have but one thing to sell,
that is my labor; but I must buy many things — not
only flour, and meat and clothing, but also some arti-
Political Campaign of 1840. 231
cles that come from other countries; a little sugar, a
a little coffee, a little tea, a little of common spices, and
such like.
Now, I do not see how these foreign articles will be
brought down by reducing wages at home; and be-
fore the price is brought down of the only thing I have
to sell, I want to be sure that the prices will fall, also,
not of a part, but of all the things which I must buy.
Now, gentlemen, though he will be astonished, or
amused, that I should tell the story before such a vast
and respectable assemblage as this, I will place this
argument of Seth Peterson, sometimes farmer and
sometimes fisherman on the coast of Massachusetts,
stated to me while pulling an oar with each hand, and
with the sleeves of his red shirt rolled up above his el-
bows, against the arguments, the theories, and the
speeches of the administration and all its friends, in or
out of Congress, and take the verdict of the country,
and of the civilized world, whether he has not the best
side of the question.
Since I have adverted to this conversation, gentle-
men, allow me to say, that this neighbor of mine is a
man of fifty, one of several sons of a poor man; that by
his labor he has obtained some few acres, his own un-
incumbered freehold, has a comfortable dwelling, and
plenty .of the poor man's blessings. Of these I have
known six, decently and cleanly clad, each with the
book, the slate and the map, proper to its age, all go-
ing at the same time daily to enjoy the blessings of
that which is the great glory of New England, the
common free school. Who can contemplate this and
thousands of other cases like it, not as pictures but as
common facts, without feeling how much our free in-
stitutions, and the policy hitherto pursued have done
for the comfort and happiness of the great mass of our
citizens! Where in Europe, where in any part of the
world out of our country, shall we find labor thus
rewarded, and the general condition of the people so
good? Nowhere! Away, then, with the injustice and the
folly of reducing the cost of productions with us to what
is called the common standard of the world. Away,
232 Reminiscences of the
then, away at once and forever, with the miserable
policy which would bring the condition of a laborer in
the United States to that of a laborer in Russia or
Sweden, in France or Germany, in Italy or Corsica.
Instead of following these examples, let us hold up our
own which all nations may well envy, and which unhap-
pily in most parts of the earth it is easier to envy than
to imitate.
But it is the cry and effort of the times to stimulate
those who are called poor against those who are called
rich: and yet among those who urge this cry and seek
to profit by it, there is betrayed sometimes an occa-
sional sneer at whatever savors of humble life. Wit-
ness the reproach against a candidate now before the
people for their highest honors, that a log cabin and
plenty of hard cider is good enough for him.
It appears to some persons that a great .deal too
much use is made of the symbol of the log caoin. No
man of sense suppo>es, certainly, that the having lived
in a log cabin is any further proof of qualification for
the Presidency than as it creates a presumption that
any one who. from humble condition or under un-
favorable circumstances, has been able to attract a con-
siderable degree of public attention, is possessed, of
reputable qualities, moral and intellectual.
But it is to be remembered that this matter, of the
log cabin originated, not with the friends of the Whig
candidate, but with his enemies. Soon after his nom-
ination at Harrisburg, a writer for one of the leading
administration papers spoke of this log cabin and his
use of hard cider by way of sneer and reproach. As
might have been expected, for pretenders are generally
false, his taunt at humble life proceeded from the party
which claims for itself the character of the purest De-
mocracy. The whole party appeared to enjoy it, or at
least they countenanced it by silent acquiescence; for I
do not know that to this day any eminent individual
or any leading newspaper attached to the aministra-
tion, has rebuked this scornful jeering at the supposed
humble condition or circumstances in life, past or pres-
ent, of a worthy man and a war-worn soldier. But it
Political Campaign of IS 40. 233
touched a tender point in the public feeling. It natu-
rally roused indignation. What was intended as re-
proach was immediately seized on as merit. " Be it so.
be it so," was the instant burst of the public voice.
" Let him be the log-cabin candidate. What you say in
scorn we will shout with all our lungs; from this day,
we have our cry of rally, and we shall see whether he,
who has dwelt in one of the rude abodes of the West,
may not become the best housed in the country."
All this is natural, and springs from sources of just
feeling. Other things, gentlemen, have had a similar
origin. We all know that the term " Whig," was
bestowed in derision, two hundred years ago, on those
who were thought too fond of liberty; and our national
air of Yankee Doodle was composed by British offi-
cers, in ridicule of the American troops. Yet, ere
long, the last of the British armies laid down its arms
at Yorktown, while this same air was playing in the
ears of officers and men. Gentlemen, it is only shal-
low-minded pretenders, who either make distinguished
origin matter of personal merit, or obscure origin
matter of personal reproach. Taunt and scoffing at
the humble condition of early life affect nobody in
this country but those who are foolish enough to
indulge in them, and they are generally sufficiently
punished by public rebuke. A man who is not
ashamed of himself need not be ashamed of his early
condition.
Gentlemen, it did not happen to me to be born in a
log cabin; but my elder brothers and sisters were born in
a log-cabin, raised amid the snow-drifts of New Hamp-
shire, at a period so early, as that when the smoke first
rose from its rude chimney, and curled over the frozen
hills, there was no similar evidence of a white man's
habitation between it and the settlements on the rivers
of Canada. Its remains still exist. I make to it an
annual visit. I carry my children to it, to inspire like
sentiments in them, and to teach them the hardships
endured by the generations which have gone before
them. I love to dwell on the tender recollections, the
kindred ties, the early affections, and the touching nar-
234 Reminiscences of the
ratives and incidents, which mingle with all I know of
this humble primitive family abode. I weep to think
that none of those who inhabited it are now among
the living; and if ever I am ashamed of it, or if I ever
fail in affectionate veneration for HIM who reared it
and defended it against savage violence and destruction,
cherished all the domestic virtues beneath its roof, and
through the fire and blood of a seven-years Revolu-
tionary War, shrunk from no danger, no toil, no sacri-
fice, to serve his country, and to raise his children to a
condition better than his own, may my name, and the
name of my posterity, be blotted for ever from the
memory of mankind!
[Mr. Webster then reviewed the expenditures of the
Government, but just at the last moment, we find with
regret that the sheet containing this portion of the
speech has been mislaid or lost. We supply therefore
from memory a very brief, and we are aware, a very
inadequate outline of the argument]
The expenditures of this administration have been
eminently wasteful and extravagant. Over and above
the ordinary revenue of the country, Mr. Van Buren
has spent more than twenty millions, that reached the
Treasury from other sources. I specify:
Reserved under the deposit act $6,000,000
Fourth installment of surplus kept back . 9,000,000
Payment by the Bank of United States on its bonds. 5,000,000
20,000,000
But even this has been found insufficient for the prod-
igality of the administration, and we had not been long
assembled in Congress before a demand was made
upon ^notwithstanding the flattering representations of
the message and the Treasury report, for authority to
issue jive millions more of Treasury notes; and this, we
were assured, if Congress would only keep within the
estimates submitted by the departments, would be
ample. Congress did keep within the estimates; and
yet, before we broke up, intimations came from the
Treasury that they must have authority to borrow, or
issue Treasury notes for four and a half millions more.
Political Campaign of 1840. 235
This time even the friends of the administration de-
murred, and finally refused to grant this new aid: and
what then was the alternative ? Why, after having
voted appropriations for the various branches of the
public service, all within the estimates, and all of which
they were told were indispensable, they conferred on
the President, by a special section, authority to with-
hold these appropriations from such objects as he
pleased, and to select at his discretion the objects upon
which money should be expended. Entire authority
was thus given to the President over all these expen-
ditures, in direct contravention of that provision of
the Constitution forbidding all expenditure except by
virtue of appropriations, which if it mean anything,
must mean the specification of distinct sums for dis-
tinct purposes.
In this way, then, it is proposed to keep back from
indispensable works four and a half millions, which are,
nevertheless, appropriated, and which, with the five
millions of Treasury notes already issued, will constitute
a debt of from nine to ten millions.
So, then, when General Harrison shall succeed in
March next to the Presidential chair, all that he will
inherit from his predecessors, besides their brilliant ex-
ample, will be these Treasury vaults and safes, without
a dollar in them, and a debt of ten millions of dollars.
The whole revenue policy of this administration
has been founded in error. While duties are laid on
articles of daily use and necessity, articles of luxury are
admitted free of duty. Look at the custom-house re-
turns, 20000,000 dollars worth of silks imported in one
year free of duty; and other articles of luxury in pro-
portion, that should be made to contribute to the reve-
nue.
We have, in my judgment, imported excessively,
and yet the President urges it as an objection to
works of public improvement, to railroads and canals,
that they diminish our importations, and thereby in-
terfere with the comforts of the people! His message
says :
" Our people will not long be insensible to the ex-
236 Reminiscences of the
tent of the burdens entailed upon them by the false
system that has been operating on their sanguine,
energetic, and industrious character; nor to the means
necessary to extricate themselves from these embar-
rassments. The weight which presses upon a large
portion of the people, and the States, is an enormous
debt, foreign and domestic. The foreign debt of our
States, corporations, and men of business, can scarcely
be less than two hundred millions of dollars, requiring
more than ten millions of dollars a year to pay the in-
terest. This sum has to be paid out of the exports of
the country, and must of necessity cut off imports to
that extent, or plunge the country more deeply in debt
from year to year. It is easy to see that the increase
of this foreign debt must augment the annual demand
on the exports to pay the interest, and to the same ex-
tent diminish the imports; and in proportion to the en-
largement of the foreign debt, and the consequent in-
crease of interest must be the decrease of the import
trade. In lieu of the comforts which it now brings us,
we might have one gigantic banking institution, and
splendid, but in many instances profitless, railroads
and canals, absorbing to a great extent, in interest upon
the capital borrowed to construct them, the surplus
fruits of national industry for years to come, and secur-
ing to posterity no adequate return for the comforts
which the labors of their hands might otherwise have
secured."
What are these comforts that we are to get so much
more of if we will onlv stop our railroads and canals ?
Foreign goods, loss of employment at home or Euro-
pean wages, and lastly direct taxation.
One of the gentlemen of the South, of that nullify-
ing State-Rights party that has absorbed the adminis-
tration, or been absorbed by it, comes boldly out with
the declaration that the period is arrived for a direct
tax on land, and among the reasons 'assigned for this
project is this one, that it will bring the North to the
grindstone. We shall see, before this contest is over,
who will be the parties ground, and who the grinders.
It is, however, but just to add that thus far, this is only
Political Campaign of 1840. 237
an expression of individual opinion, and I do not charge
it to be otherwise.
I had proposed to say something of the militia bill,
but it is already so late that I must forego this topic.
[No, no; go on, go on; from the crowd.]
Mr. Webster resumed, and briefly analyzed the bill.
Owing, however, to the lateness of the hour he did
not go largely into the discussion. He did not, he
said, mean to charge Mr. Van Buren with any pur-
pose to play the part of a Caesar or a Cromwell, but he
did say that in his judgment, the plan as recom-
mended by the President in his message, and of which
the annual report of the Secretary of War accompany-
ing the message developed the leading features would,
if carried into operation, be expensive, burdensome, in
derogation of the Constitution and dangerous to our
liberities. Mr. W. referred rapidly to the President's
recent letter to some gentleman in Virginia endeavor-
ing to exculpate himself for the recommendation in the
message, by endeavoring to show a difference between
the plan then so strongly commended, and that sub-
mitted in detail some months afterwards by the Secre-
tary of War to Congress. Mr. W. pronounced this at-
tempt wholly unsatisfactory.
Mr. Webster then went onto say: I have now frankly
stated my opinions as to the nature of the present
excitement, and have answered the question I pro-
pounded as to the causes of the revolution in public
sentiment now in progress. Will this revolution suc-
ceed? Does it move the masses, or is it an ebullition
merely on the surface? And who is it that opposes
the change which seems to be going forward? [Here
some one in the crowd cried out, "None hardly but the
office-holders oppose it."] Mr. Webster continued:
I hear one say that the office-holders oppose it, and
that is true. If they were quiet, in my opinion, a
change would take place almost by common consent.
I have heard of an anecdote, perhaps hardly suited to
the sobriety and dignity of this occasion, but which
confirms the answer which my friend in the crowd has
given to my question. It happened to a farmer's son;
238 Reminiscences of the
that his load of hay was blown over by a sudden gust
on an exposed plain. Those near him seeing him mani-
fest a degree of distress which such an accident would
not usually occasion, asked him the reason; he said he
should not take on so much about it, only father was
under the load. I think it very probable, geptlemen,
that there are many now very active and zealous
friends, who would not care much whether the wagon
of the administration were blown over or not, if it
were not for the fear that father, or son, or uncle, or
brother, might be found under the load. Indeed it is
remarkable how fervently the fire of patriotism glows
in the breasts of the holders of office. A thousand
favored contractors fear lest the proposed change
should put the interests of the public in great danger.
Ten thousand post-offices, moved by the same appre-
hension, join in the cry of alarm, while a perfect
earthquake of disinterested remonstrances proceeds
from the custom-houses. Patronage and favoritism
tremble and quake, through every limb and every
nerve, lest the people should be found in favor of a
change which might endanger the liberties of the
country, or at least break down its present eminent
and distinguished prosperity by abandoning the meas-
ures, so wise, so beneficent, so successful, and so popu-
lar, which the present administration has pursued!
Fellow-citizens, we 'have all sober and important
duties to perform. I have not addressed you today for
the purpose of joining in a premature note of triumph,
or raising a shout for anticipated victories. We are in
the controversy, not through it. It is our duty to spare
no pains to circulate information, and to spread the
truth far and wide. Let us persuade those who differ
from us, if we can, to hear both sides. Let us remind
them that we are all embarked together, with a com-
mon interest and a common fate; and let us, without
rebuke or unkindness, beseech them to consider what
the good of the whole requires, what is best for them
and for us. There are two causes which keep back
thousands of honest men from joining those who wish
for a change.
Political Campaign of 1840. 239
The first of these is the fear of reproach from former
associates, and the pain which party denunciation is
capable of inflicting. But, surely, the manliness of the
American character is superior to this! Surely, no
American citizen will feel himself chained to the wheels
of any party, nor bound to follow it, against his con-
science and his sense of the interest of the country.
Resolution and decision ought to dissipate such re-
straints, and to leave men free at once to act upon their
own convictions. Unless this can be done, party has
entailed upon us a miserable slavery by compelling us
to act against our consciences on questions of the great-
est importance.
The other cause is the constant cry that the party of
the administration is the true Democratic party, or the
more popular party in the Government and in the
country. The falsity of this claim has not been suffi-
ciently exposed. It should have been met, and should
be now met, not only by denial, but by proof. If they
mean the new Democracy, the cry against credit,
against industry, against labor, against a man's right to
leave his own earnings to his own children — why, then,
doubtless, they are right; all this sort of Democracy is
theirs. But if by Democracy they mean a conscien-
tious and stern adherence to the true popular princi-
ples of the Constitution and the Government, then I
think they have very little claim to it. Is the augment-
ation of executive power a Democratic principle ? Is
the separation of the currency of Government from the
currency of the people a Democratic principle ? Is the
embodying of a large military force, in time of peace,
a Democratic principle ?
Let us entreat honest men not to take names for
things, nor pretences for proofs. If Democracy, in any
constitutional sense belongs to our adversaries, let
them show their title, and produce their evidence.
Let the question be examined, and let not inteilligent
and well-meaning citizens be kept to the support of
measures, which in their hearts and consciences they
disapprove, because their authors put forth such loud
claims to the sole profession of regard for the people.
240 Reminiscences of the
Fellow-citizens of the county of Saratoga, in tak-
ing leave of you, I cannot but remind you how dis-
tinguished a place your county occupies in the history
of the country. I cannot be ignorant that in the midst
of you are many, at this moment, who saw in this
neighborhood the triumph of Republican arms in the
surrender of General Burgoyne. I cannot doubt that
a fervent spirit of patriotism burns in their breasts and
in the breasts of their children. They helped to save
their country amidst the storms of war; they will help
to save it I am fully persuaded, in the present severe
civil crisis. Fellow-citizens, I verily believe it is true,
that of all that are left to us from the Revolution, nine-
tenths are with us in the existing contest. If there be
living a Revolutionary officer or soldier who has joined
in the attacks upon General Harrison's military char-
acter, I have not met with him. It is not, therefore, in
the county of Saratoga that a cause sustained by such
means is likely to prevail.
Fellow-citizens, the great question is now before
the country. If with the experience of the past the
American people think proper to confirm power in the
hands which now hold it, and thereby sanction the
leading policy of the administration, it will be your
duty and mine to bow with submission to the public
will; but, for myself, I shall not believe it possible for
me to be of service to the country in any department
of public life. I shall look on, with no less love of
country than ever, but with fearful forebodings of what
may be near at hand.
But, fellow-citizens, I do not at all expect that
result. I fully believe that change is coming. If we
all do our duty, we shall restore the Government to its
former policy, and the country to its former prosperity.
And let us here, today, fellow-citizens, with full reso-
lution and patriotic purpose of heart, give and take
pledges, thafc until this great controversy be ended, our
time, our talents, our efforts, are all due and shall all
be faithfully given, to OUR COUNTRY.
Political Campaign of 1840. 241
/
PRENTISS' SPEECH.
AN ELOQUENT EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OF
HON. S. S. PRENTISS, DELIVERED AT PORTLAND,
ME., AUGUST 21, 1840.
" Fellow-citizens," continued Mr. Prentiss, " victory
is before you; but, as good soldiers, every man must
gird on his armor for the fight. Although victory may
be certain, yet shame alone will keep every man from
being listless and inactive in the contest. Let every
man recollect his own strength and responsibility. The
mighty ocean is made up of drops; and were the drops
of water to say to the majestic rivers, I will not run
from this hill, or flow from this mountain, or pass along
this stream, you might pass along their extensive beds
dry-shod. It is your right and your duty, fellow-citi-
zens, to act. At Bunker Hill nothing would have re-
strained you from taking part in the battle. There is
as much at stake here as there was there. Your ballot
now is your bullet, and the one may do as much good here
as the other did there. Go forth then and rescue your
country from the hands of the spoilers — from the bad
men in power. Behold your father looking down from
the bright skies above you. They appeal to you, as
posterity would, could they speak through the womb
of time.
" Be united, then, and let no local difficulties separate
you. It is not when the vessel is grating upon the
coral reefs that men quarrel. Then they fly to the
pumps and the ropes, and after the ship is safe and life
secure, they sit down and talk over their little diffi-
culties. Many a battle has been lost because men have
not gone forth to battle with one heart and one mind,
and if the Whigs do not gain this battle, we shall lose
all and have no little differences to quarrel about.
There never was such a necessity for union as there is
now, and I am happy to believe there never was
such unanimity as there is now. I have traveled from
16
242 Reminiscences of the
one end of the Union to the other, and everywhere I
have heard the Whigs using the same arguments and
governed by the same hopes. The meetings every-
where are enthusiastic, and the enthusiasm is seen
everywhere where the people are seen. The peo-
ple are resolved to raise themselves from the muddy
pools of Loco Focoism. I have seen enough in trav-
eling through the country to make me believe that
the vestal flame of liberty will not be extinguished in
our land. If not for interest, for honor men will unite
to drive forth the usurpers from the places they have
usurped. If they do not fight the battle before them
for themselves, they will for their wives and children,
for their mothers, their sisters and their sweethearts.
" We are," continued Mr. Prentiss, "men, coarse,
hardy men, who can buffet the storms of life, but we
have kindred and friends to protect, who appeal to us
by the strongest of all human ties — the ties of blood. If
ever there was a flower that needed protection from the
pestilential effluvia of Loco Focoism, that flower — the
fairest and lovliest of creation — is woman. If there
is any one thing in our free institutions which we
boast of over another, it is the respect they vouchsafe
to womankind.
" In this country we may thank God that female
beauty and female character has a greater value — a
higher reward than in all the earth besides. But let
Loco Focoism prevail, and what will be the result? The
war which is going on against society destroys that
which protects and sustains female character. It is one
of the distinguishing features of a republican govern-
ment that elevates female character to its own proper
and noble dignity. If not then for yourselves, for the
honor and protection and name of those so dear to you,
I call upon you, men, to shield the fairest flower that
blooms, by staying the hand and by resisting the blow
that would destroy its sweetness and its beauty. You
should feel every honorable sensation — and if not as a
patriot 'aloud — as a man — as a Whig — to exert your-
selves in protecting all of womankind.
" Permit me," said Mr. Prentiss, in conclusion — ad-
Political Campaign of 1840. 243
dressing himself to the hundreds of mothers and
daughters scattered arouud him — " permit me to thank
you, as most heartily I do in my own name, and in the
name of every Whig here, for your presence and for the
attention you have vouchsafed to-night. It is pleasant
thus to meet and hold communion together, and espec-
ially here in the delightful city of Portland. Amid all
my wanderings I have seen no city more beautiful:
The bay that lies at her feet, is the fairest dimple on
the cheek of the ocean, and the city that rises from it's
waters is the brightest jewel that sparkles in the dia-
dem that adorns old ocean's brows.
" When you, fair daughters, come forth to encourage
us by your smiles and your presence, we feel ourselves
doubly armed, and though it be out of the common
course for you to take part in the political strife which
engages the sterner sex, yet it is your right and your
duty to come forward in a time like this, and say by the
interest your presence manifests, how much you have
at stake in a contest like that to come. This is the
time, and the occasion when we mee,t to discuss the
principles of our fathers of the Revolution — yes, and of
the mothers of the Revolution, too — for in our fiercest
struggles for independence it was the stronger and
more courageous heart of woman that gave to man
hope and sympathy, the promises of affection and of
love.
"Yes, our revered mothers and grandmothers were as
much engaged in olden time in the cause of liberty as
were their fathers, their husbands and their brothers.
I have read until my heart thrilled within me of the
generous sacrifices which woman has made in all ages,
in the Old World and the New, for the accomplisment
of every good and noble work. Our own mothers,
who, though poor in this world's goods, were not poor
in spirit, gave their little all for the cause of liberty.
They had no jewels to give, but what they had they
gave. Their pewter spoons were melted into bullets
by their own hands, and conveyed to the camp of the
army. As in Poland, the mothers and daughters gave
their caskets of jewels, their bracelets and their rings
244 Reminiscences of the
into the common treasury, so in our land our mothers
added their mite in the cause of freedom.
" It is time that I should close," said Mr. Prentiss.
"This night I shall ever remember as one of the hap-
piest of my life, not only for the privilege I have en-
joyed of taking counsel with my old and new friends,
but for seeing in wreathed smiles and bright glances
the halo which has been spread around us by the ladies
of Portland. I wish you all that happiness which be-
longs to morality, to virtue and intelligence. I trust
that we men shall not become so deteriorated as to be
unworthy sons of the fathers and mothers of the Revo-
lution. I must apologize for having detained you so
long.
" I commenced by shaking hands with you all in my
heart, and trusting that we may often be permitted to
meet together, I close, by bidding you an affectionate
good night."
It was nearly 10 o'clock when Mr. Prentiss closed.
The audience heard him for more than three hours and
without a single sign of impatience. All were de-
lighted, and with one heart united at the close of his
eloquent address, in giving the distinguished speaker
twelve cheers. The welkin rung with applause, and
after a brief address from Mr. Kinsman, the chairman
of the meeting, three cheers for Mississippi, three cheers
for Maine and three others for Sargeant S. Prentiss,
the multitude separated.
HARRISON AT FORT GREENVILLE.
THE OLD PATRIOT SPEAKS TO THE PEOPLE ON OLD
TIMES AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS.
The celebration at Fort Greenville drew to that his-
toric spot an immense concourse of Buckeyes and
Hoosiers — who had gathered together expecting to
meet the brave defender of the log cabins in the war
of 1812. This gathering of people was the largest ever
Political Campaign of 1840. 245
seen in this locality and the speech of welcome and
the reply of General Harrison are given in the follow-
ing words in the Eaton Register of August, 1840.
After Hiram Bell, Esq., had delivered an eloquent
address of welcome, General Harrison replied as fol-
lows:
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: It is with no slight
emotion that I undertake to address you on this occa-
sion. Nor am I a little embarrassed for words wherein
to express my deep sense of your kindness towards
me, manifested by the friendliness and magnanimity of
your greeting. I must receive a different nature, be-
coming more or less than what I am, than what any
man whlie living can be, before I can cease to remem-
ber and appreciate the too favorable regard and the
kind demonstration of respect for me of my fellow-
citizens here present. My heart yields up to you the
homage of its deepest gratitude, though my tongue ex-
presses it not.
Fellow-citizens, you are all aware of the position
that I occupy before the American people — being a
candidate of a portion of them for the Presidency of
the United States. It will doubtless be said by some
that I am here for the purpose of electioneering for
myself; that I have come to solicit your votes; but be-
lieve me gentlemen, this is not the case. I am present
on this occasion but as an invited guest of the citizens
of Darke. It is my deliberate opinion and sincere de-
sire that the bestowment of office should be the free act
of the people, and I have no wish to bias their judg-
ment unjustly in my favor. But, notwithstanding my
wish and determination not to engage as a politician
in the pending canvass for officers to administer the
General Government, although I would have preferred
to remain with my family in the peace and quiet of our
log cabin at the Bend, rather than become engaged in
political or other disputes as the advocate of my own
rectitude of conduct, yet, from the continued torrent of
calumny that has been poured upon me, from the
slanders, abuses, and obloquy which have been pro-
mulgated and circulated to my discredit, designed to
246 Reminiscences of the
asperse and blacken my character, and from the vil-
lainous and false charges urged against me by the:
pensioned presses of this administration, my attend-
ance at this celebration appeared to have been made
an act of necessity, a step which I was compelled to
take for self-defense. Chiefly for this purpose have I
come among you, and trusting you will all perceive
the propriety of its course, it seems superfluous to add
any further reasons for its adoption.
Years ago, fellow-citizens, when I left this spot — for
aught I knew, for the last time — I had little idea of
the surprising change which would be wrought in its
appearance during the time which has supervened.
Never did I expect to stand here and behold such a
scene as this. It resembles somewhat the recent siege
of "Old Fort Meigs." I am now sixty-seven years of
age. I have therefore lived to behold much of the
glory of my country; I have seen the palmy days of
this Republic; and especially have I witnessed many
of the brilliant events which have characterized the
growing greatness of the lovely West; but this very
day and its-incidents mark an epoch in my own history
the like of which I have seldom experienced. It is
now twenty-five years since I was at Fort Greenville
— then surrounded by a dense forest, dark and drear.
At that period there was scarce a log cabin between
Greenville and Cincinnati — all between was one en-
tire, unbroken wilderness. How wonderfully and how
speedily have the giant woods bowed their stately tops
to the industry and enterprise of Western pioneers, as
if some magic power had cleaved them from the earth !
And now in their stead what do we behold ? Broad,
cultivated fields, flowery gardens, and happy homes.
Delightful picture — gratifying change ! Proud reflec-
tion ! that this transition of things is the result of the
handiwork of Westers people — of American freemen.
Fellow-citizens, you have undoubtedly seen it often-
times stated in a certain class of newspapers that I am
a very decrepit old man, obliged to hobble about on
crutches; that I was caged up, and that I could not
speak loud enough to be heard more than four or five feet
Political Campaign of IS 40. 247
distant, in cousequence of which last misfortune I am
stigmatized with the cognomen of " General Mum."
You now perceive, however, that these stories are false.
But there are some more serious matters charged against
me, which I shall take the liberty to prove untrue. You
know it has been said by some that I have no princi-
ples; that I dare not avow any principles; and that I
am kept under the surveillance of a "committee." All
this is fahe — unconditionally false. The charge of my
being in the keeping of a committee is the only one that
seems to merit a moment's consideration, and that barely
to indicate its origin. A few months past almost every
mail that has come to the post-offices at which I re-
ceive my letters and papers has brought me a greater
or less number of letters, all of which I have opened and
exanrned. Some of them have proved abusive and con-
templible, designed especially to taunt and insult; and
such were, of course, consigned to the flames. But, on
the other hand, letters decorously written, for the pur-
pose of eliciting information, have been uniformly re-
plied to either by myself personally, or by some one
acting under my authority and obeying my instructions
— communicating my opinions, and not his own. Is
there anything criminal or improper in this mode of
doing business ? Surely, my friends, I trow not.
Now, with regard to the political condition of our
common country, I trust there is no impropriety in my
addressing you upon subjects concerning the public
weal. What means this " great commotion" among
the people of this great nation? What are the insuffer-
able grievances which have driven so many thousands,
nay, millions, of the American people into the council
for the purpose of devising measures for their mutual re-
lief ? 'Wherefore do they cry aloud as with one voice,
Reform ! Our country is in peril ! The public morals are
corrupted. How has it been done? "To, the victors
belong the spoils," say our rulers. What are the con-
sequences? Ask the hundred public defaulters through -
out the land ! Ask the hirelings of corruption who
are proffering "power and place" as bribes to secure
votes! Ask the subsidized press what governs its op*
248 Reminiscences of the
erations, and it will open its iron jaws and answer you
in a voice loud enough to shake the Pyramids — Money !
Money! I speak not at random — facts bear me testi-
mony. The principle is boldly avowed, as well as put
in practice by men in high places, that falsehood is
justifiable in order to accomplish their purposes. Why
this laxity in the morals of our rulers and their follow-
ers? Did tr^ey inherit depravity from their ancestors ?
How does it come that such recklessness of truth and
justice is manifested of late by some individuals among
us? Why, some of the causes which produce these
evils I have already intimated? There are others. In-
tense party spirit destroys patriotism.
A celebrated Grecian commander once said, and
said truly: " Where virtue is best rewarded, there will
virtue most prevail." It is even so, a wise and true say-
ing. But how has the practice of your Government of
late accorded with this maxim?' It is proverbial with
the advocates of monarchy in the Old World that repub-
lics are ungrateful. How does your experience for
the last few years give the lie to this proposition?
Nay, fellow-citizens, I fear that this Government
affords many examples which tend but too strongly to
verify the proverb. Among other instances of mani-
fest ingratitude, to only one will I here recur. I mean
the removal from office, without cause or provocation,
save a difference of opinion with the President, of Gen.
Solomon Van Rensselaer, of New York. He was a
noble friend of ours in the "winter of our discontent." I
became acquainted with him when, like myself, he was
a young officer in General Wayne's army. I found
him an agreeable, social companion, as well as a brave
and magnanimous soldier. He assisted in fighting the
battles of his country; aye, for your behoof, my coun-
trymen, his blood has been poured out upon the soil of
Ohio. The bullets of your enemies have pierced his
body while fighting in defense of your interests. And
not only on the plains of Ohio has he stood between
danger and his country, but in other places likewise.
In the sanguinary battle of Queenstown he received
six wounds from his country's foes. Well, what is
Political Campaign of 1840. 249
his reward ? After having spent the flower of his
youth and the vigor of his manly prime in the service
of his country as a soldier, he was called by the Amer-
ican people to .serve them in a civil capacity. He
obeyed the call with thankfulness of heart. But he
has been cruelly driven out of the service by the
administration, and why ? Because, fellow-citizens,
he was the friend of the companion of his youth; be-
cause he would not forsake a fellow-soldier; because
he was my incorruptible friend; and because the emol-
uments of his office were wanted to reward the par-
tisan services of a supporter of my political competitor.
"Ah, there's the rub!" But you, my friends, I am con-
fident, will not long permit such wrong to the men
who "righted your wrongs" in olden times.
Fellow-citizens, you know that my opponents call
me a Federalist. But I deny the charge: I am not —
I never was a Federalist. Federalists are in favor of
concentrating power in the hands of the executive;
Democrats are in favor of the retention of power by
the people. I am, and ever have been, a Democratic
Republican. My former practices will bear me out in
what I say. When I was governor of Indiana Terri-
tory, I was vested with despotic power, and had I
chosen to exercise it, I might have governed that peo-
ple with a rod of iron. But being a child of the Revo-
lution, and bred to its principles, I believed in the right
and the ability of the people to govern themselves;
and they were always permitted to enjoy that high
privilege. I had the power to prorogue, adjourn and
dissolve the legislature, to lay off the new counties and
establish seats of justice; to appoint sheiifTs and other
officers. But never did I interpose my prerogative to
defeat the wishes of a majority of the people. The
people chose their own officers, and I invariably con-
firmed their choice; where they preferred to have their
county seats, there I located them; they made their own
laws and I ratified them. I never vetoed a bill in my
life.
But I have been denounced as a bank man. Well,
let it go. I am so far a bank man as I believe every
250 Reminiscences of the
rational Republican ought to be, and no further. The
Constitution of the United States makes it the duty of
the Government to provide ways and means for the
collection and disbursement of the public revenue. If
the people deem it necessary to the proper discharge
of the functions of their Government to create a national
bank, properly guarded and regulated, I shall be the
last man, if elected President, to set up my authority
against that of the millions of American freemen. It
is needful to have a larger money circulation in a land
of liberty than in an empire of despotism. Destroy the
poor man's credit and you destroy his capital. The
peasant who toils incessantly to maintain his famish-
ing househo'd, in the hard money countries of Europe,
rarely if ever becomes the noble lord who pastures his
" flocks upon a thousand hills." There are necessarily
difficulties connected with every form and system of
•the Government, but it should be the aim and object of
the statesman to form the best institutions within his
power to make for the good of his country.
Fellow-citizens, I cannot forbear inviting your at-
tention to the concerns of your Government, in the wel-
fare of which all good citizens feel a deep interest. I
warn you to watch your rulers. Remember, " Eternal
vigilance is the price of liberty." When I looked
around upon the dangers which seem to be suspended
as by a hair over this people, I tremble for the safety of
this Republic. In an evil hour has the Chief Magistrate
of this nation been transformed into a monarch and
despot at pleasure ! To show that this is the case I
need but refer you to the profound and plilosophical
historian, Gibbon, who says, "The obvious definition
of monarchy seems to be that of a State in which a
single person, by whatsoever name he may be dis-
tinguished, is intrusted 'with the execution of the law,
the. management of the revenue, and the command of the
army" Is not Martin Van Buren intrusted with these
functions ? Most assuredly he is. Call him by what-
soever title you choose, President, executive, chief
magistrate, consul, king, stadtholder, it does not alter
the nature of his power; that remains the same, un-
Political Campaign of 1840. 251
changed, and the President, therefore, possesses all the
functions necessary to constitute a monarch. You
have often heard of the " moneyed influence of the
country " denounced while it yet remained in the hands
of the people, as dangerous to public liberty.
Have you, then, no apprehension, no fear of a
moneyed influence, equal to that of half the nation,
concentrated in the hands of a single individual, at
the same time possessing two other of the most potent
powers that belong to our Government? The great
Julius Caesar — the conquering Julius has said, ik Give
me soldiers and I will get money; give me money and
I will get soldiers." The public purse is already con-
fided to the hands of the President; a respectable army
is also under his control, and it is in contemplation by
the administration to add to the present military force
of the United States an army of 200,000 men. Amer-
ican freemen, pause and reflect. Meditate before you
act. Matters of the highest moment depend upon
your action and await your decision. There may be
no ambitious Cossar among us who will dare to use the
ample means now combined in the hands of the Presi-
dent for the subversion of our liberties, but the excep-
tions to ambitious men so inclined are so few that they
but fortify the rule. Look around you, fellow- citizens.
Are you girt with your armor or have you surrendered
it to another? The "sentinels upon the watch tower
of freedom " — have they been true to their trusts, or
have they slept? I warn you, my countrymen, against
the danger of neglecting your duty. Power is always
stealing from the many to the few. Beware how you
intrust your rights to the keeping of any man. They
are never so secure as when protected by your own
shield and defended by yourselves with your own
weapons.
General Harrison adverted to the interference of
the officers of Government with elections, and pointed
out its impropriety in a clear manner. If (said he,
in conclusion upon that subject) I should be so fortu-
nate as to be elected President, I would deem it my
duty to prevent, as far as possible, the practice of
252 Reminiscences of the
Government officers using their official influence and
patronage for electioneering purposes, but, at the same
time, those officers should be allowed the freest exer-
cise of the elective franchise— at perfect liberty to vote
for and against whomsoever they pleased, without the
fear of being proscribed or removed from office on
account of their political preferences.
In conclusion fellow-citizens, indulge me in a few
remarks in regard to my old fellow-soldiers. A small
number of them are here by my side. They stood by
me in battle, firm and invincible, in by-gone days.
Some of them are remnants of the Revolution — sol-
diers with whom I served under the gallant Wayne.
Where, my brethren, are our companions in danger on
the field of strife ? Alas ! many of them are taking
their final repose in the calm and peace of death !
" Let them sleep on, sleep on
In the grave to which kindred have borne them,
And blest be the braves who are gone.
And the friends who survive but to mourn them ! "
The old soldiers, one by one, are dwindling away —
gliding as it were down the river of time into the
haven of long-sought rest. But a few of them even
now are remaining to sorrow in gladness for the in-
gratitude of their country. When this country was a
dismal howling wilderness those warriors were expos-
ing themselves to danger and disease in the unwhole-
some swamps and morasses of the West, by guarding
and defending our frontiers. Many of them became
present victims to the malaria of the marshes and the in-
salubrity of the climate, others returned to their house*
with disease engendered in their svstems, but to linger
for a time, and perhaps waste away with consumption;
while yet smaller portions still remain among us,
though generally shattered in constitution and feeble
in health. Why is it, fellow-citizens, that these old
soldiers of General Wayne's army have never been re-
paid for their services, or been allowed pensions by
our Government ? The nation is much indebted to
them, and justice requires that the debt should be paid,
Political Campaign of 1840. 253
and I could never die in peace, and feel no sting of re-
morse, if I were to permit their claims to pass unno-
ticed, and without making an effort, when opportunity
offered, to have them satisfied.
Fellow-citizens, my character has been most grossly
and wantonly assailed by the dangerous demagogues
of the administration party. They have falsely charged
me with the commission of almost every crime which
is denominated such that man can be guilty of. My
character, which I had fondly hoped to preserve un-
sullied as a boon and an example for my family, has been
much more traduced and belied within the few months
past, and, for this reason I have sometimes regretted
that your predilection had made me a candidate for
office; but, nevertheless, I claim no sympathy of the
public on that score. I only desire you to examine my
past conduct, to read the history of your country and
ascertain my political course heretofore, and the prin-
ciples on which I have ever acted, and if you find that
my doctrines are unsound and unworthy of your sup-
port, it is your sacred duty to reject them. I ask not
your sympathy or favor. I want but common justice.
Let me have a fair trial, and, whatever may be your
verdict, I shall be satisfied. Investigate matters fairly
and honestly; compare the doctrines and practices of
my adversaries with mine, and then decide as you
shall think right and proper. Cast aside your preju-
dices and predilections, and vote only from principle.
It is your duty to do so. Heed not the censure of
knavish politicians who reproach you with the name
of "turn coat," etc. // is not opprobrious to turn
from a party to your country. We should despise the
odium sought to be heaped upon us by designing men,
from their selfish motives, as they despise truth and
honesty.
Hoping that the right may prevail and make our
country prosperous, I will only add the wish that you
may long enjoy its blessings, maintain its free institu-
tions, and rejoice in the independence of happy free-
men.
Reminiscences of the
NASHVILLE CONVENTION.
Nashville, August 15, 1840.
DEAR SIR : We reached here in safety, after a fa-
tiguing journey over heavy roads, made so by
rains. From Louisville to Nashville everything is po-
litical; there is great enthusiasm along the whole road
in favor of Harrison. Even on " Salt River" we found
many hard-cider boys ready to transport the spoilers
to its head-waters. Kentucky is proud of her recent
victory, and well she may be. We saw a log cabin
built on the top of a tree, with its cider barrels, latch
strings, etc., etc. Great changes are taking place;
even postmasters are coming over. One at whose
door the stage stopped, inquired if Mr. Clay would be
along saying, " I have done that man great injustice,
and wish to take him by the hand and tell him so."
This has been a proud day for Mr. Clay — one of
the proudest of his life. His entry into the city this
afternoon was truly magnificent. Met a mile or more
from town by several military companies and citizens
on horseback and in carriages, in all about 1,500, he
entered amidst the sound of martial music, the roar of
cannon, the ringing of bells, and the shouts of many
thousands.
At the mayor's house this afternoon a most beautiful
flag, with a good likeness of General Harrison on one
side and a log cabin being built on the other, was pre-
sented to the Harrison Guards of the city by a young
lady. She addressed the company in a manner highly
creditable to herself and the ladies she represented.
The ceremony was interesting.
About sunset, the great Ohio ball arrived in a
.steamboat. An immense crowd flocked to the wharf
to .receive the present. It is an object of great curi-
.os'ity — and much anxiety had been expressed to see it.
The city is already crowded with strangers.
Large delegations are here from Louisiana, Mississippi,
Alabama, Illinois, Missouri, Indiana, Kentucky, East
Political Campaign of 1840. 25$
Tennessee, etc. By Monday morning the adjoining
counties will pour in their thousands! What a change
is here ! Ten years ago it was hardly safe to name
Clay, Harrison or Webster, except in terms of abuse.
Now, at the hour of midnight, I hear the sound of the
drum, the cannon, and the loud and repeated hurrah for
Old Tip and for Clay, and nothing is thought of the
"second section."
Mr. Clay staid at the Springs last night. He in-
quired of Dr. McNary what Felix Grundy was about.
ki Traveling through East Tennessee defending the Ad-
ministration," was the reply. "Ah," says Mr. Clay,
" Felix is at his old business — defending criminals. "
GREAT MEETING AT NASHVILLE.
We copy from the Nashville Whig, the following
notice of the meeting at Nashville. It acquires the
more importance from the letters of General Jackson
and Mr. Clay, in relation to it:
"At 10 o'clock, the immense procession moved,
amidst the most deafening shouts of the multitude,
from the head of Broad street, through Union street
to Walnut Grove. The convention was temporarily
organized by Dr. Thomas R. Jenning, the chairman
of the nominating committee from the States, who
announced the following nominations for officers of
the convention:
For president, Hon. E. H. Foster, of Tennessee;
vice-presidents, W. McPherson, Esq., of Arkansas,
Hon. John Gayle, of Alabama, S. A. Bowen, Esq., of
Missouri, Garret Duncan, Esq., of Kentucky,
James Rucks, of Mississippi, John Hogan, of II
C. L. Ash, Esq., of Pennsylvania, P. P. Erkine, g$qj
of Maryland, Hon. B. Storer, of Ohio, A. C. ""*
of Louisiana, J. White, of Indiana.
Secretaries, W. Snethen, of Louisiana, R. Sco4f$l}ff
256 Reminiscences of the
Pennsylvania, C. Scott, of Mississippi, C. C. Norvell,
of Tennessee, A. A. Hall, of Tennessee, C. G. Win-
tersmith, of Kentucky, W. W. Ferguson, of Arkansas,
S. S. L'Hommedieu, of Ohio, J. R. Blocker, of
Alabama, J. H. Matheeyn, of Illinois.
After an invocation of the Divine blessing from the
Rev. J. W. Ogden,
Mr. Foster, the president of the day, rose and asked
why this vast and magnificent multitute? Why this
coming up from the valley and the rivers, from the
plains, from the hills and hollows, from the counties
near and the States far off? The people, the real peo-
ple, he said, were before and round about him. They
had come together, because the mechanic arts had re-
ceived a severe blow, because commerce was prostrate,
because trade flourishes not, because industry has not
its reward ! They were the great grand jury of the
country, not a picked or packed grand jury, but an
honest one that would render a verdict the thunder
whereof would peal through the whole length and
breadth of the land and stop not until it reached the
White House at Washington, and cause its presiding
inmate to cry out even in his midnight dreams, like the
Roman chief, for the power which he has lost through
his presumptive and overleaping ambition — until in-
deed, it caused him to cry out to Chapman to crow with
more vehemence and terror than ever.
Mr. Foster said he had been an old Jackson man —
but he had turned his coat inside out — though not a
single principle had he abandoned — no, not one. He
had no master but his God and the people. To the will
of the people he would bow in submission at all times,
but not to the dictation of the cohorts of modern Democ-
racy, who pronounce every man a Federalist, no matter
how many battles he has fought in, who refuses to
support Martin Van Buren. Why, sir, said he, point-
ing to an old soldier of the Revolution, on the speak-
ing stand before him, you fought gallantly and glori-
ously for your country — you were a Whig of '76, and
you are a Whig of '40 — and yet they call you a Fed-
eralist !
Political Campaign of 1840. 257
Mr. Foster referred to the sacrifice of Judge White,
in compliance with the wish at headquarters. He
pointed to the full-length and very striking likeness of
that departed sage, which was borne aloft upon one of
the banners near the stand, and bore testimony to his
many sterling virtues, to his Roman firmness, to his
intelligence, to his stern honesty and goodness of
heart, and then called upon the vast multitude there
assembled to remember Hugh Lawson White, and
those through whose instrumentality Tennessee, aye,
the whole country, has been deprived of a continuation
of his most valuable services. Great, he proclaimed
him to have been ! Not great like Cassar. with his
hands drenched in blood — but great in the councils of
the nation, great in his virtues, great in his honesty and
purity of heart.
Mr. Foster said, in his denunciations of Democracy,
he made no allusion to the rank and file of the party,
but to those demagogues who assume its lead. The
rank and file were part and parcel of that body of the
people, alike honest and sincere, and virtuous and up-
right with the rank and file of the Whigs. But the
leaders of the Democracy were, generally speaking,
a vastly different set of persons. They claimed to be
Democrats. It was an old and true proverb that a
man was best known by the company he kept. He
asked who were the true Republicans, and who the
true Federalists ? He referred in glowing terms to the
many brilliant services rendered to the Republican cause,
when Republicanism, as well as Federalism, meant
something, by his distinguished friend then present,
[pointing to Henry Clay. The very allusion made the
air resound with the grateful shouts of ten thousand
freemen.] He asked if that great statesman was not
a true Republican. The multitude shouted, "Yes, he
is." He asked if that Republican's colleague, also
present [pointing to John J. Critfcenden] was not a
true Republican. The hearty affirmative response rose
quickly upon the breeze. Well, then, said he, let us
look at the other side of the picture. Go with me to
the Senate Chamber in the Capitol, at Washington,
17
258 Reminiscences of the
and behold Senator Buchanan, a fine looking gentle-
man and a leading Democrat, so called. He opposed
the last war, and was a furious Federalist. To the
left of him behold Senator Wall, an old gentleman,
dressed in the very extreme fashion, en militaire. He is a
modern Democrat, but boasted in the Senate in 1836
that he was a Federalist so long as Federalism was
known by its proper name. Now turn your eyes still
further to the left and behold my cousin of Bucking-
ham, Senator Hubbard, a modern Democrat, who was
so violent a Federalist during the last war that he got
up a meeting to send delegates from his section of
New Hampshire to the Hartford convention! Still
further on, you behold Senator Williams, of Maine, a
great Van Buren Democrat, but a notorious Federalist
during the whole of the last war. But Democracy of
the present day made all these men Democrats. He
was happy to say that he was no such Democrat him-
self.
Mr. Foster referred to the great civil revolution go-
ing on— to the ball so gloriously put in motion in Con-
necticut— which was handsomely accelerated by gal-
lant Rhode Island, and which Virginia received and
sent rolling on so nobly and with such power! Why,
he sard, he was on the top of Cumberland Mountain
when the news reached him, and he opened his mouth
and shouted at the top of his voice, Old Virginia never
tire!"
Next, he said, Louisiana gave the ball a turn with
a force that sent it rolling into Kentucky and In-
diana, where it seems to have nearly annihilated the
whole of the Loco Foco party. The cohorts of power
were putting their ears to the ground to catch the
sound of the hoofs of the express horses that were to
bring them glad tidings from Louisiana! But lo and
behold the result! See Kentucky, too, a gain from
13,000 to near 20,000 of a majority! And nearly
the same gain in Indiana! Tennessee, he said, was
also coming. She would come with a power that
would make little Martin Van Buren wish himself out
of the White House as speedily as possible. This, he
Political Campaign of 1840. 259
said, was no vain boast, but sober reality. The work,
the good and glorious work, was going on.
Mr. Foster thanked the vast multitude for the atten-
tion which had been paid him, and said he would give
place for others to address them.
Mr. Clay was called for with an enthusiasm which
seemed to contain no bounds, and when he came for-
ward, with those characteristic smiles playing all over
his remarkable countenance, the air was rent with nine
such cheers as it has seldom fallen to the lot of any
man to receive. When these had subsided he com-
menced.
THE UTICA CONVENTION.
[From the New York Star.]
We publish the following letter with great pleasure,
not only as it exhibits the entire harmony and unanim-
ity of the Whig. convention at Utica in the nomination
of State officers, but from finding the old and tried
friends of Harrison and Clay, Peter R. Livingston,
Judge Burt, of Orange, and P. B. Porter, of Erie, were
chosen as presiding officers and State electors:
August 12, 1840.
DEAR SIR: This has been a great day for Utica. The
convention met at the Mechanics' Exchange; called
General Root pro tern, to the chair; appointed a com-
mittee to select officers for the meeting. Peter R. Liv-
ingston of Dutchess, was appointed, assisted by one
vice-president from each district, and the same number
of secretaries. Mr. Francis Hall was elected to fill
the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr.
Ruggles.
The convention then went into an informal ballot;
115 delegates were present. Wm. H. Seward and
Luther Bradish icceived the vote of the whole delega-
260 Reminiscences of the
tion without a single dissenting voice. We then ad-
journed to meet at 12 o'clock, in order to give the dele-
gates an opportunity to look at one of the greatest as-
semblages ever witnessed. I intend to give you a
sketch of it, and before I proceed, allow me to say, it
numbered, from what I could see and learn, at least
eighteen thousand persons. N. P. Talmadge, Stanley,
Ketchum, and others, are now addressing the multitude.
Perhaps it would be well to state that you would be
perfectly astonished at the ease a convert can be made.
The workingmen in opposition to us are ready and
almost anxious for some plea by which they could re-
lease themselves from all further connection with the
Loco Foco party. They cannot bear the name.
If we could circulate ten thousand copies of Bu-
chanan's speech in this neighborhood it would help us
at least a thousand votes. For example, I fell in with
three coopers. I opened my conversation with them
after this wise, " Well, friends, what procession have
you here ? " " Oh, nothing, sir, but a few Federalists
parading the streets." " But. see here, I am a Demo-
crat; I am in favor of equal laws and protection for
the poor man's rights; I go for plenty of work and fair
prices; are these men opposed to these principles ? if
so, I say down with them. I go for the country, and
not for Van Buren or Harrison, but the man who will
carry out these views." " Well, now, friend," said
they, "you are a stranger to us; but we like these
opinions of yours." "Well, then, let us support men
of our cast, canva*ss their opinions carefully, look into
the sub-treasury bill — see who are your friends — mark
them, and remember when the election comes your
children will hold you responsible for the vote you
cast!" " But is not Mr. Van Buren the poor man's
friend ?" " Well, my friends, I will give you facts, and
you can mature them yourselves." I then handed them
a copy of Buchanan's speech which I found in the port-
er's room at Baggs'. I read a few extracts, told them
Van Buren. believed it; the sub-treasury was passed
for the purpose of carrying out their views to reduce
labor to fifteen cents a day; that he, Buchanan, was a
Political Campaign of 1840. 261
bosom friend of Van Buren, and they acted together
in all things. They took me by the hand, thanked me,
and declared they would go home and use their in-
fluence for General Harrison, and vote for him.
Now, for the procession; it was acknowledged by
all to be NINE MILES LONG — it was headed by one hun-
dred and ten horsemen, dressed as farmers, with a
hunting shirt and red sash round the middle — then
music — then four hundred and seventeen large double
wagons, drawn by horses and some by oxen. The
first I noticed, was drawn by six horses — it was a car,
upon which was erected a magnificent throne, with all
the drapery, etc. Upon the throne was seated a boy,
bareheaded! with a crown by his side— dressed like
King George, in purple velvet and fine linen; by his
side he had a splendid sword, the same as worn by one
of the knights of old — and around his neck a diamond
chain, to which was connected a large gold key, one
hand strongly grasping and holding a key of the
treasury — the other the sword; immediately behind
the throne came the contrast — there sat old Tip, by the
side of his log cabin, with flail in hand, the very pict-
ure of comfort and kindness, his right hand extended
to some wornout soldiers. The next drawn by horses,
with the motto, "One Fire More;" and "The Day is
Ours;" "New York State Redeemed;" "We Are
Young!— But We Will Be Old;" "American Youth—
None Have a Deeper Interest in the Country." A log
cabin drawn by four horses. Hung outside with coon
skins, etc., beneath was, "Trenton is Eager for the
Contest;" "When She Will Atone for Her past Fol-
lies." The next was a very large wagon drawn by
twelve pair of oxen, with twenty-six farmers to repre-
sent the various States. The next was a car drawn by
eight horses, with box sides, covered with American
carpet, with this motto: "Domestic Carpet is Good
Enough for the White House in 1841."
This letter is drawn up in a hurry, while hundreds
and thousands are passing the door; all kinds of music
and confusion, and a great haste to get back to the
convention, which meets at 12 o'clock.
262 Reminiscences of the
THE NASHVILLE CONVENTION.
In the Nashville Whig we find a sketch of the con-
vention in that city. As the assembly was computed
on the best authority to have exceeded in numbers the
great Baltimore convention, we deem it of sufficient in-
terest to warrant a further description of the delega-
tions composing it, and of the proceedings. We trans-
fer, therefore, the annexed matter from the Nashville
Whig, recalling the sentiments of Mr. Webster, in the
exordium of his speech at Saratoga: No one, said the
eminent orator, can deny that an extraordinary excite-
ment exists in this country, such as has not been wit-
nessed for more than half a century; not local, nor con-
fined to two or three or ten States, but pervading the
whole from North to South, and from East to West,
with equal force and intensity. For an effect so gen-
eral, a cause of equal extent must exist. No cause,
local or partial, can produce consequences so universal
The immense assemblage in Tennessee is another proof
of the justice of these remarks. At last the effects of
the Federal policy have attained to an insufferable pitch
of mischief. The people of every class assemble, not
by hundreds, but by tens of thousands:
THE GREAT SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION.
We present to our distant friends some account of
this day's great work in Nashville, of the mighty in-
gathering of the real people and of their boundless en-
thusiasm in the cause of Constitutional liberty, on the
occasion of the great Southwestern convention.
On approaching this most interesting task, we feel
that our powers of description are wholly inadequate to
anything like an impression to the life, of the scenes
which have this day passed before our almost bewild-
ered vision. The richness and grandeur of the pageant
and the variety of incidents to which it gave rise;
the fervid zeal of the people and the burning eloquence
Political Campaign of 1840. 263
of the champion of liberty, whose fortune it was to
occupy their attention; the meeting of the extremes of
Lhe Union, and the commingling of hundreds of kin-
dred spirits from distant portions of the great valley of
the Mississippi; the presence of the illustrious states-
man of Kentucky and his distinguished colaborers in
the Whig cause, together with the almost cloudless
beauty of the day, all, all conspired to lend an interest
to the occasion, which it would be vain to attempt
to portray.
It would be equally futile to undertake a close esti-
mate of the extent of this immense concourse. We
have no data upon which to base a calculation of num-
bers, beyond the long line of procession which ex-
tended from the southern extremity of the city at the
intersection of Franklin road and Broad street, from
which point the line moved, to the western line of the
corporation on lower College street. This, it will at
once be seen, would be by no means a correct crite-
rion, in view of the fact that countless thousands made
their way to the convention ground both in advance of
and subsequent to the entree of the procession. Mr.
Clay remarked, incidentally, in his speech this morning,
that the meeting of the lyth of August, 1840, might be
regarded, as par excellence, the memorable convention
of 1840, since it exceeded both in extent of numbers
and the magnificence of its procession, the great con-
vention of the 4th of May at Baltimore. Our own
opinion is that considering the relative location and
population of the two cities, the crowd today deserved
to be held as a much more striking evidence of the ex-
traordinary zeal that now pervades the friends of ex-
ecutive reform throughout the country than the Balti-
more meeting. It has been our good fortune to witness
both pageants, and we speak it with pride when we
say that the free valley of Mississippi has this day
followed in bold and generous rivalry the example of
her sister States on the seaboard.
The morning was ushered in by "a glorious sum-
mers sun," thus giving early promise of a day as bright
with the smiles of beneficent nature as it is destined to
264 Reminiscences of the
be memorable for the scenes which have marked this
triumphal movement of a free people.
At daylight three guns were fired from an eminence
above the city, known, since the celebration of the tri-
umph of the Whigs of New York in 1837, as Whig hill.
At sunrise a gun was fired from the log cabin on lower
Market street, the signal for meeting of the different
delegations, clubs and military companies. At 10
o'clock two guns were fired as the note for preparation
for the formation of the procession. The Straight Outs,
Capt. Tanneyhill, were then marched into Broad street,
in pursuance of the programme of the chief marshal,
and as the base of the line of the procession. Be-
tween the hours of 7 and 9 o'clock, the line was
formed, ready to move from the intersection of Broad
and Spruce streets.
On riding up Broad street just before the procession
moved out of that street, we discovered that as many
as 14 States were represented, some of them quite
largely, the delegation from each preceded by a general
State banner, besides the insignia of the various town
and county clubs and delegations, an infinite variety
of which decorated the line and imparted unspeakable
interest to the pageant.
The base of the line, as we before noticed, was the
Straight Outs, and a more appropriate band of pio-
neers we dare venture could not have been selected.
The dress, discipline, and origin of the Straight Outs,
we have heretofore had occasion to describe. They
are the representatives of a hardy race of honest log-
cabin freemen, who, however ridiculed for their primi-
tive manners by the advocates of power, never fail to
make their influence felt and appreciated at the ballot-
box. The banners borne by this corps were plain but
expressive — the first, with a plain white ground, in-
scribed, " One Presidential Term, and Fair Wages for
Labor." The second, a spread-eagle on white ground
bearing in its talons, " Harrison and Reform," and un-
derneath the celebrated watchwords of the Emperor
Constantine, "In Hoc Signo Vinces" The third, a
game-looking chanticleer, on blue muslin ground, with
Political Campaign of IS 40. 265
the inscription, UA Loud Crow Chapman — 4th March,
1841."
The Straight Outs were followed by the general
committee of arrangements, with their invited guests,
on foot and in carriages. These were succeeded by a
division composed of the delegates from Arkansas,
Missouri and Alabama. The Arkansas banner was in-
scribed with the motto of the lamented Crockett, "Be
Sure You're Right; Then Go Ahead !" with an eagle in
the center. The Missouri banner represented a buf-
falo, with the inscription expressive of the part borne
by the illustrious Harrison in the admission of that
State into the Union, " Roused to the Claims of an Early
Friend ! "
Our Alabama friends numbered three or four differ-
ent delegations, headed by a general banner bearing
the inscription, " Four Years Long Enough for a Good
President: Too Long for a Bad One." The Madison
county delegation displayed a beautiful fancy banner,
representing the goddess of liberty looking down on
old Tip's cabin, with the inscription (expressive of the
recent immense gain in our sister commonwealth),
"Day is Dawning" Our attention was especially at-
tracted to the standard-bearer of this delegation, an
ingenious artisan, we are told, of Huntsville, who wore
in his bosom a log cabin breast-pin, representing by
means of miniature springs, both the interior and
exterior of a cabin, with the door, latch-strings, etc.,
ail perfect, and a miniature canoe on the comb of the
roof.
Next followed a delegation from Illinois, with a
magnificent satin banner, representing the great seal
of the State.
The Mississippi delegation came next in order, with
the State banner, inscribed, " 'Tis Ours to Rectify: Not
to Overthrow." The delegation from Yallabusha county
carried a rich satin banner, wrought with fine taste
and inscribed, "Mississippi — She Beat the Spoilers
Once and Can Do It Again."
Indiana followed our Southern sister. Her banner
represented a huge ball, inscribed," The Ball in Motion
266 Reminiscences of the
— Indiana 10,000 Majority." The New Albany delega-
tion bore a handsome satin banner, representing a log
cabin "with the string of the latch hanging out."
Louisiana succeeded. Her State banner represented
the ballot-box —"The Freemen's Sword and Shield-
Louisiana 25,000 Majority. " A separate banner was
borne by the Tippecanoe Club of New Orleans.
Ohio was represented by a spirited delegation, chiefly
from Cincinnati. Her banner represented a spread
eagle, bearing in its taions, "For President, the Farmer
of North Bend," with the inscription above — "Ohio —
Tip, Tom and Tyler."
Kentucky was strongly represented. Nearly all the
southern counties had their separate delegations, be-
sides two handsomely equipped military companies
from Hopkinsville and Bowling Green. We noticed a
delegation from Mercer, one of the upper counties of
the State, with a handsome satin banner, representing
among other things, " Little Matty " scampering out of
the White House. The State banner was inscribed in
just compliment to her recent signal triumph at the
ballot-box, " Kentucky, She Speaks Not by Thousands,
but by Tens of Thousands." The Louisville delegation
was headed by a beautiful silk banner, representing.
we believe, a scene at the battle of the Thames.
The Livingston county delegation (Smithland) dis-
played two remarkably neat satin banners, one of which
represented a golden ball in motion. The Caldwell
banri( r bore the portrait, in military dress, of General
Harrison.
The banners pf the District of Columbia, of Virginia,
of Delaware, of New Jersey, of New York and New
England were borne by small delegations from each
State. That of the District of Columbia was inscribed,
"Let His Days be Few and Let Anrther Take His
Place." That of Virginia, " The Blood of Our Fathers,
Let It Not Have Been Shed in Vain. Independence
Now and Independence Forever." That of Delaware,
kt Our Cause It Is Just." That of New Jersey, " Her
Great Seat Shall Be Respected." That of New York
represented a pair of scales, with •* M. V. B." in one
Political Campaign of 1840. 267
end and "Old Tip" in the other, the former "kick-
ing the beam," the inscription, " Weighed in the
Balance and Found Wanting." That of New Eng-
land—
"From hill and from valley,
From mountain and plain,
We come to the rescue
Of our country again."
The Pennsylvania delegation numbered t-vo or three
sections, preceded by a banner representing a fox
trailing a lion, with the inscription, " This Won't Do,
Matty."
The Tennessee delegation formed, of course, much
the largest division of the procession. The county del-
egations bore a large number of flags and banners,
some of which excelled in grandeur of design, rich-
ness of material and beauty of execution anything of
the sort it has ever been our fortune to see displayed.
In this respect, indeed, we feel assured that the Co-
lumbus, Baltimore and Fort Meigs conventions were
thrown completely in the background. We must
necessarily, for the want of time and space, reserve a
more particular description of the various county de-
vices for our next paper. The front banner of the del-
egation represented, on blue ground, a magnificent,
full-rigged seventy-four, her head pointed to the White
House and Capitol, which are seen in the distance.
The "Constitution" is the name of this truly national
vessel, and she bears on her topmast signal the initials,
" T. and T." The State banner bore a beautifully
wrought device (on satin, fringed with crape), repre-
senting the tomb of the lamented White.
The great ball, from Zanesville, Ohio, which came
safe to hand on the steamer Rochester on Saturday
night, occupied a conspicuous place in the procession.
It was given in charge of the Kentucky delegation, and
was hauled on four wheels under the immediate care
of Porter, the Kentucky giant. The ball is in the form
of a hemisphere, moving upon its axis and represent-
ing each of the individual States of the Union, with
the inscriptions, as heretofore copied from the Ohio
268 Reminiscences of the
papers. Porter appeared as a delegate from Louis-
ville, and it was really difficult to determine which of
the two lions attracted the most attention.
The military brought up the rear and made a rich
and beautiful display. This division of the line was
composed of the independent infantry companies from
Hopkinsville and Bowling Green, Ky., Franklin and
Clarksville, Tenn., and the Harrison Guards, Cadets
and Lancers, of this city.
At 10 o'clock the immense procession moved amidst
the most deafening shouts of the multitude, from the
head of Broad street, through Spruce to Spring, down
Spring to Summer, down Summer to Cedar, down
Cedar to the Square, round the Square to West Col-
lege street, and through that street to Walnut Grove,
the country seat of Dr. D. T. McGavock. The conven-
tion was temporarily organized by Dr. Thomas R.
Jenning, the chairman of the nominating committee
from the States, who announced the following nom-
inations for officers of the convention.
For president: Hon. E. H. Foster, of Tennessee.
Vice-presidents: W. M McPhevson, of Arkansas;
Hon. John Gayle, of Alabama; S. A. Bowen, Esq., of
Missouri; Garnet Duncan, Esq., of Kentucky; Hon.
James Bucks, of Mississippi; John Hogan, of Illinois;
C. L. Ash, Esq., of Pennsylvania; J. P. Erskine, Esq.,
of Maryland; Hon. B. Storer, of Ohio; A. C. Bullitt, of
Louisiana; J. White, of Indiana.
Secretaries: W. Sneethen, of Louisiana; R. Scott, of
Pennsylvania; C. Scott, of Mississippi; C. C. Norvell,
of Tennessee; A. A. Hall, Tennessee; C. G. Winter-
smith, of Kentucky; W. W, Ferguson, of Arkansas; S.
S. L'Hommedieu, of Ohio; J. R. Blocker, of Alabama;
J. H. Matheney, of Illinois.
After an invocation of the Divine blessing from the
Rev. J. W. Ogden, the assemblage was addressed by
Mr. Foster, the president of the day.
The foregoing sketch of the preliminary proceedings
is followed in the Nashville Whig by a brief outline of
Mr. Clay's speech. The Kentucky Senator was re-
ceived by the audience with a whirlwind of affection-
Political Campaign of 1840. 269
ate cheers. A friend has just handed us a letter written
in Nashville the day before the organization of the con-
vention, in which we note this passage:
"Twelve years ago Henry Clay was burnt in effigy
in this place, and he had less than one hundred votes.
Now, he has been welcomed as a conqueror, and
receives as much homage as the most ambitious man
could desire. I feel it will be utterly impossible to
give anything like an adequate description of the glo-
rious scene of tomorrow. The sights I have seen today
convince me how vain would be the attempt. All is
excitement and the most ardent enthusiasm. I and
my companions each have a badge on the left breast,
Pennsylvania, printed on white satin. We have ex-
cited much curiosity; we are from so far off that the
people are surprised and delighted. A Tennesseean
seeing the badge, exclaimed, "Pennsylvania! hurrah!
the Dutch have come! " One of us has an appropriate
banner which we shall carry in the procession "
More than one thousand ladies were seated in front
of the principal stand and gave inspiration to the
speakers.
The effect of Mr. Clay's speech was mighty among
his hearers and the great cause received an impetus in
Tennessee and the Mississippi valley which made the
partisans of the administration tremble. In the course
of the day addresses of power were delivered by
Messrs. Hopkins and Underwood, of Kentucky,
White, of .Indiana, Storer, of Ohio, Hogan, of Illi-
nois, Judge Gayle, of Alabama, and others. There
was a grand barbecue for the delegates and other
strangers provided by the farmers of Davidson
county.
On the second day Hon. J. J. Crittenden, of Ken-
tucky, Bailie Peyton, of Tennessee, and many other
eloquent speakers from various States addressed the
convention. Throughout the entire two days the great
attendance of ladies and gentlemen seemed unbroken.
They were loath to leave the place.
270 Reminiscences of the
CLAY AT NASHVILLE.
SPEECH OF HENRY CLAY AT NASHVILLE, TENNES-
SEE, AUG. 17, 1840.
Mr. President, delegates of the convention, ladies,
friends and fellow-citizens:
Our humble and profound thanks are due to the
goodness of Providence for the bright, glorious and
genial sun that now shines upon us. The firmament
above is not unlike the surface of our country. Clouds
are flitting over it, but the sun of truth is struggling to
burst through them and dissipate the darkness which
hangs over us. Before the month of November shall
be numbered with the past, all the dark spots which
now obscure our political sky shall disappear forever.
[An old soldier on the stand here cried, amen!]
I congratulate you, friends and fellow-citizens, on
the glorious prospect which the cause of our country
presents, more glorious and more estimable because the
movements throughout the land are the movements of
the people enlisted in support of the Constitution and
devoted to constitutional liberty.
Fellow-citizens, may I not, without incurring the
imputation of egotism, advert to some of the circum-
stances under which I appear before you? [Cries of
yes, yes, yes.]
During a long and arduous struggle in political life
for fifteen or twenty years, I would wrong myself if I
did not confess that there were moments of discour-
agement; that there were periods in which my heart
sank within me; but armed by the consciousness of
the rectitude which governed my thoughts and actions,
knowing my devotion to constitutional liberty, a de-
votion exceeded by that of no man living or dead, and
believing the principles which I had always avowed
and acted up to were founded on the rock of truth, I
bore up amidst the difficulties that surrounded me, I
stood dauntless and erect. [Shouts of applause.]
Political Campaign of 1840. 271
Had I come here some years ago, I should have
deemed it a duty to disabuse your minds of the calum-
nies of which I was so unremittingly the object; but
that necessity has passed away. In 1825 it was con-
sidered as a crime in me that I did not vote for your
favorite fellow-citizen for the high office to which he
aspired. If it was a crime I but obeyed the instruc-
tions of my own constituents, and was I not justified
in obeying them ? [Cries of yes, yes.] It is true, I
was accused of violating the instructions of the Ken-
tucky legislature, but I deny the right of that body to
instruct me. I represented the counties of Fayette,
Jessamine and Woodford. They approved of my con-
duct in that matter, and in this approval do I justfy my-
self as the responsible agent of the people. [Shouts of
applause.]
Of the motives which actuated me in voting as I did
I shall not descend here to make any defense. They
are known only to myself .and to that God by whose
justice, tempered by his mercy, I am willing to be
tried.
Amidst all my trials, I have never doubted for a mo-
ment, that a generous and a just people would approve
my course in this matter, if not during life, at least after
death. I have never doubted for a moment that just
and generous Tennesseeans would be the first to do me
honor for that vote. But I am precluded from refer-
ring to myself, even had I a wish to do so. Last Sat-
urday's procession, the roar of the cannon as I ap -
preached your city, the ringing of the bells, the glad-
dened shout of freemen saluting me on every side, and
last though not least, the bright eyes of the ladies of
Nashville, speaking me welcome, and their fair hands
waving their handkerchiefs in token of their feelings,
are sure proof that the verdict has been rendered.
[Three cheers.] And yet, I made this visit with some
reluctance, I am free to confess. I had, I thought, re-
sisted all the influence that could be brought to bear
upon me to make me leave my home, but there was an
influence to which I could not be insensible and to
which I yielded with more than ordinary pleasure — that
272 Reminiscences of the
was the influence of the ladies of Nashville. [Cheer-
ing long and loud.] I said that I had made this visit
with some reluctance, a reluctance that grew out of the
relations which I bore to the illustrious captain, your
neighbor and your friend. I feared lest the idea might
be entertained that I came to this city in the spirit of
exultation and defiance to him you were wont to honor.
If any man thinks that such is my feeling he does me
great injustice. In all the various conditions in life I
have been governed, not by the principle of retaliation,
but by that of "what it is proper for one's-self to do."
Toward the illustrious individual in question, I feel no
resentment, no passion, and if he could see the bottom
of my heart, he would bear me this testimony. [Loud
cheering.] His signal military services to this country
deserve the gratitude of all men, and my prayer to
heaven is that his last days may he those of peace and
tranquillity, and that when he leaves us forever, his
home may be that bright and happy one promised by
the Son of the Everlasting Father to him who shall
perform His will while on earth. [Great sensation
among his auditory.]
In addressing the primary assemblies of the people
so frequently as I have had occasion to do, I find, my
fellow-citizens, a great difficulty in the selection of
topics which have not been worn threadbare. In this
embarrassing position shall I speak to you of the
troubles without example, of ruined commerce, of par-
alyzed industry, of the rapid accession of authority to
the executive, of the dangers which threaten our in-
stitutions, of the wonderful expenditures of the Gov-
ernment for the last few years! Since my arrival here
this paper has been put in my hands. I never saw it
till now. It is a chart of the expenditures and squander-
ings of the public money. This little altitude of the
expenditures under the administration of Washington
.is scarcely equal to the base of the column whose
height marks the extreme of the expenditure under
the administration of Mr. Van Buren. This humble
spot overshadowed by the surrounding shafts which
tower so loftily, exhibits the expenditures of John
Political Campaign of 1840. 273
Quincy Adams' administration, which were so much
denounced at the time, and which called out in a
remarkable degree, .the energy of the nation to correct
the seeming evil. But here are the figures. The eight
years of Washington's administration cost the nation
$15,000,000; while Mr. Adams the younger was in
power it cost us $50,000,000; in General Jackson's time
there were expended $145,000,000; and in the first three
years of Mr. Van Buren's administration the people's
money has been poured out to the sum of $111,500,000
dollars. [A voice in the crowd, "Take him from the
throne."] The cheap government, therefore, promised
by the present incumbent, has cost the nation, for three
years, within one third as much as the eight years ot
Gen. Jackson's administration! The average daily ex-
penditure of the Government under Washington was
$7,000 a day, that under Madison during a perilous
war $49,000, under Adams $37,000, while under Mr.
Van Buren it amounts to the enormous sum of $i 10,
ooo per diem!
But passing this subject, there are two points on
which I would speak, especially, to that portion of the
audience composed of my old Democratic friends.
The dominant party p: ofess to be the friends of State
rights. How are they the friends of State rights ?
Without going far back for examples of tlieir professed
friendship to the States, every year has of late furnished
just topics of complaint against those in power. The
last session of Congress is peculiarly rich in instances
of pretended friendship to the rights of the States from
these men. You have already heard of the measure
which has too little excited the just animadversion of
the people, introduced at the beginning of the session
by Senator Benton, and in which the extraordinary
proposition was made that the General Government
ought not to assume the payment of the debts contracted
by the States ! No mortal man in the Senate ever
dreamed of proposing such an assumption. That prop-
osition was brought in by the Senator in the most un-
provoked and wanton manner. The General Govern-
ment ought not to assume the payment of these debts!
18
274 Reminiscences of the
The very proposition carried ridicule on its face. There
was a bankrupt Government with a paper circulation,
busily engaged in denouncing that circulation and cry-
ing out for specie, declaring that it ought not to pay
the State debts, and that too at a time when the States
were embarrassed and trying to find out means to pay
the interest on their loans for works of internal improve-
ment, works which General Jackson's administration
had promoted. The Government, in fact, proclaimed
to all Europe that these State debts were so bad that
it would be imprudent to meddle with them. Of the
report making this declaration there were 30,00x3 copies
printed, and all to prove the propriety of not doing
that which no one had ever proposed to do.
This report was prepared by a fellow-citizen of
yours. With him I have served a long time in public
life, and I had hoped to meet him on my arrival here,
but when I asked after Mr. Grundy,they told me he was
in Eastern Tennessee making speeches in support of
Mr. Van Buren. What! — at his old vocation — defend-
ing criminals !" [Immense cheering and laughter.]
There is one difference, however, between his present
position and his accustomed practice. He is now de-
fending State criminals before the grand inquest of the
country, and not before a packed jury, and my life on
it, he will hear such a verdict as he never heard before
in the tribunals of authority. [Shout of applause.]
But the party in power are friends of State rights!
are they? Does that odious, loathsome theme, the sub-
treasury project, prove it? You know the merits of
that measure — I will not discuss it — but I tell you. the
Presidential party stocked the cards twice upon us in
the Senate in the matter of this bill and once in the
House of Representatives. [Roars of laughter.]
Yes, they marked them before they dealt them. If
Senators had been faithful to the will of their constitu-
ents and the Senate had been full, that bill never could
have passed. It was hastened through the Senate in
January last, despite of entreaties to wait till the
Chamber was full, to wait till the entry of the only
Senator from New York representing the constituency
Political Campaign of 1840. 275
of that State! But how was it carried in the lower
House ? At the beginning of the session it was deter-
mined to procure a majority to force it through. The
admission of the five New Jersey claimants to seats
on the floor of the House became necessary, and the
measure was resolved upon. Was there any love
of State rights displayed upon this occasion? The
rightful possessors of their places, the five Whig Rep-
resentatives, appeared before the House with creden-
tials of the highest known credit. No representa-
tive either from Tennessee or Kentucky could appear
with higher claims, yet these five claimants were
rejected by the absence of one member, detained by
sickness. The subject was referred to a committee.
It would take a whole day to discuss the principles on
which that committee acted. If any Whig has looked
into the matter, he has doubtless found that alienage
has been no bar to the admission of administration
votes, while it was made to exclude Whig votes; that
minority does not disqualify an administration voter,
while it prevents a Whig from exercising the right of
suffrage. In truth there was no rule adopted by the
committee save that which went to secure to the five
administration claimants their seats.
These are not the only instances which prove the
insincerity of the professions made by the ruling
party in favor of State rights. There was an occasion
during the past session, on which they could have put
beyond doubt their devotion to State rights — the pas-
sage of the bankrupt bill. But while that measure
was before the Senate, they introduced into it a pro-
vision to subject to its operation all the banks of the
States furnishing a paper circulation. The effect of
this proposition was to withdraw from the jurisdiction
of the States and consign to the General Government
the power over nine hundred State banks, over five
hundred millions of dollars of property, over several
of the great State works now in a state of prosecution
by means of charters or State credit.
I feel, fellow-citizens, that my strength will not
justify my going further into the description of the
276 Reminiscences of the
professed friendship but real enmity to State rights on
the part of the Presidential party ; so that with your
leave, I will hasten to another part of my subject.
The Executive party claims to be the exclusive Dem-
ocrats of the country. All who do not belong to their
ranks are either Federalists or Tories. Of all their
usurpations there is none more flagrant than this usur-
pation of the name of Democracy. Democracy, as I
understand it, and as I was taught it in the school of
'98, is: respect of the people's representatives to the
people's wishes, the prosecution of measures which
secure the interests of the people, the promotion of a
nation's happiness and prosperity. Is this the Democ-
racy of Mr. Van Buren ? Hear what he says. Read
it on your banners, "The people expect too much from
the Government. They must take care of themselves
and the Government must take care of itself." Is this
the dictate of Democracy, of the Democracy of the an-
cient time ? No ! No ! Democracy demands the ac-
quiescence of the representative in the will of the peo-
ple, when that will is properly expressed, when that
will is known to be the deliberate resolve of the con-
stituent. Not under the Czar, not under the Sultan,
are the people entirely without power. But in this
country, at the present moment, allegiance to the
powers that be is substituted for allegiance to the peo-
ple. If a candidate for governorship of any of the
States be rejected by the people, he is sure of advance-
ment at Washington. There is my old acquaintance,
the Senator from Tennessee, who was no sooner re-
jected by the people than he went into the Cabinet of
Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Niles was defeated by a majority
of 4,500 votes, as a candidate for the governorship of
Connecticut. Did this defeat prevent his promotion?
No. It was a passport to office. In less than two
months thereafter he was advanced to the Cabinet of
the President. Bye the bye, the seat to which he was
lifted is the last in the gift of the Government to be
sought as a post of honor under the present adminis-
tration^ seeing that it had been occupied previously by
the greatest reptile that ever crept on the face of the
Political Campaign of 1840. 277
earth. It is seldom that I permit my lips to be pol-
luted by the utterance of his name, or by reference to
him, but they who are from New England may easily
guess to whom I allude. [Shouts of applause.]
These instances show that power at Washington is
different from and superior and paramount to the will
of the people. It is not devoted to the country's happi-
ness. Serious attention should, fellow citizens, be paid
to the basis of republicanism! Bad measures pass
away. A single false step in government, made unde-
signedly, may lead to no permanent mischief. War
itself is of transient duration. The calamities of disease
and pestilence which befall the human species, inflicting
extreme agony and pain,pass from the memory, and after
a lapse of time no traces are left of their ravages. But
there is one truth founded in human nature, verified by
the history of the past, strengthened by our own exper-
ience as a people, and that truth is — A REPUBLIC CAN
ONLY EXIST UPON THE FOUNDATION OF VIRTUE AND
GOOD MORALS. This great principle is eternal, is un-
changeable. A corrupt people may have the forms of
a republic, but their government is dead to good works,
its vitality is gone. We need only go back to Rome,
to Greece, to republican France, for proof of this thing.
Nor can any power save us from the same fate, but the
ballot-box. That is the physician to heal us. We
have not only suffered from the sub-treasury policy,
the specie circular system, the destruction of the United
States bank, but far greater evils than these have be-
fallen us. The attempt has been made to corrupt the
morals of the people, to corrupt the right of suffrage.
When before in private life have we ever witnessed
such a deplorable want of confidence? Go to desolate
Mississippi — go wherever you please and you will find
that violation of solemn contracts characterizes every
part of our country. When before 'were sixty-three out
of sixty -seven receivers of public moneys defaulters?
There must be a cause for all this. The good old Jef-
fersonian interrogatories have not been put to those
seeking office. "Is he honest — is he capable, is he
faithful to the Constitution" — have not been asked, but
278 Reminiscences of the
a new rule has been adopted. " Is he boisterous at the
polls — is he devoted to my interest and party — what
number of votes can he give?" These are the ques-
tions now asked. It is this system which has disfigured
our country with a want of moral rectitude truly alarm-
ing.
It was in the time of General Jackson's administra-
tion that this policy was introduced into the Govern-
ment. He appointed to the Department of State a man
who had been a defaulter for $100,000 — I mean Ed-
ward Livingston — the ornament of the bar of this
country and a jurist for whose memory I have the
most profound respect. In this appointment the
President virtually and in effect proclaimed to the na-
tion the fact that defalcation in the administration of
the public moneys constituted no barrier to office.
Perhaps the illustrious captain, then at the head of af-
fairs, did not intend that such should be the construc-
tion of his course of conduct, but every man who
knows the law of cause and effect must agree with
me that such an appointment tended to this result.
The elevation of Edward Livingston, the advance-
ment to high office of Samuel Swartwout, a man
known to the whole country as having been con-
cerned with Aaron Burr in treasonable designs
against these United States, are evidences enough that
honor, fidelity, and trustworthiness were not the only
passports to Presidential favor, even in those days, but
that other qualifications were requisite, qualifications
which tended to sap the foundations of our institu-
tions. When before have been given so many fraudu-
lent votes ? When before have we seen men regard-
less of their oaths multiplying their votes and receiv-
ing bribes equally disgraceful to the recipient and to
the instigator, equally disgraceful to the times in
which we live and the country in which such scenes
are enacted. Take the case of Letcher. It is a re-
proach to the parties concerned, and they should be
marked as false to the country and the Constitution.
Yet Hocker, the sheriff, received for his conduct in
that affair the best office in this country in the gift of
Political Campaign of 1840. 279
the Postmaster General. I have heard, though I do
not state it as a fact known to me, that this man after-
wards ran away, a defaulter to the Government.
Thus, when vice is rewarded, when corruption re-
ceives reward instead of reproof, the example cannot
fail to exert a pernicious influence on the country.
The case of New Jersey Representatives proves be-
yond a doubt that the party in power would disfran-
chise the Union itself, if they dared do it, to secure to
themselves power.
I shall now proceed to address myself particularly to
my Democratic friends, to those, as" I have said before,
who have worked and toiled in the old Democratic
army. Not as an enemy do I approach them, but as
their friend and countryman. You are equally honest
with me in your preferences. You have the same stake
with me in the prosperity of the Union. You are
equally devoted with me to the happiness and glory of
our common country. I believe that the mass of all
political parties are patriotic, honest and devoted to the
good of the nation, but it is natural that we should differ
about measures and men, though that difference of
opinion does not make us enemies. You elevated to
power the last and present administrations, hoping
therefrom the most glorious results. Have your hopes
been fulfilled? Have their pledges been redeemed?
Have their promises been kept? Have the expecta-
tions excited by them been realized? Take the pledge
of one term, has it been redeemed? When the illustri-
ous captain of Tennessee was elected to the Presidency,
he held out the idea of one term; did he carry it out?
Has the promise of economy been kept? [No, no, no.]
That lofty column on this chart [showing the chart of
public expenditures] will answer. Has the promise of
retrenchment and reform been in any way fulfilled?
[Loud cries of no, no, no.] Did he redeem his pledges
not to appoint members of Congress to office? [No.]
What pledge has he redeemed, what promise fulfilled?
[None, none, none.] What has ensued? Has har-
mony among the different parts of the Union been
promoted? Has concord increased? Have the fra-
280 Reminiscences of the
ternal relations which ought to exist in these United
States been advanced? Let this convention answer —
this convention, far exceeding in point of numbers, in
banners and in display of every kind, the great Balti-
more convention. [vShouts of applause.] What has
brought you here, my fellow-citizens? A deep and
profound feeling that the country has been wronged, a
lively sense of injury to the people, a full persuasion
that an immediate change is necessary in the General
Government. Do not be deceived, fellow-citizens, by a
name. A blue light has been held out. Go below the
surface of things. Wipe off the colors which assail
your eye with their glare. Look at things as they are,
and tell me whether true Democracy prevails in the
land. [Loud and long shouts of no.] My friend on
my left has said that he was no Democrat [alluding to
Mr. Foster]. I am a Democrat! [Immense cheering];
was born a Democrat, have lived and shall die a Dem-
ocrat, in the true and genuine sense of the term; but I
am not one of those selfish Democrats whose practice
is to disregard the true interests of the people, to seize
upon their offices as the spoils of victory. No, I am a
Democrat who looks to the interests of the whole peo-
ple, and to the glory of his country [cheers], and I have
no doubt that my friend near me is a Democrat in this
its legitimate sense.
Mr. Foster here rose and said that he was a Demo-
crat too in this sense of the word, but that he was not
a modern Democrat.
Mr. Clay proceeded:
Delegates of the convention, friends and fellow-
citizens, a great victory is at hand, a glorious victory;
but you should remember that as much judgment is
requisite in the use of triumph as there is still required
to achieve it. The vlay is near when you shall be
called on to decide how you will use your victory.
Suffer me to say to you, let there be no unkindness in
your course to our Democratic friends who may be
supporting the party in power — to the mass on the
ether side. Who are to be the victors and who the
vanquished in the approaching contest ? Do we con-
Political Campaign of 1840. 281
quer aliens, who have come among us with blood on
their feet ? No. We fight but against our brothers.
They are all part and parcel of the crew of the great
State ship, all our brethren. Never forget in the flush
of victory this sacred relation. Let us unite with
them in one harmonious union. They as well as we
are interested in a proper administration of public af-
fairs. But there are some classes of the opposite party
to whom the same indulgence ought not to be extended.
There are leaders of the party in power who cannot
be hung too high ! [Tremendous cheering.] Drive
these leaders back to their den of demagogism
whence they have emerged but to deceive you. Let
the frown of your indignation visit them, and refuse
to them any longer the opportunity of imposing on
your confidence. They are not a numerous class.
They preach Democracy with the lips, but in heart
their hatred of the people is only equaled by their
tyrannical disposition. They deserve any condemnation
that a generous people may see proper to pronounce
upon them.
There is yet another class, which, in the administra-
tion of State justice, should not be unnoticed. I mean
the boisterous office-holders, the Praetorian guard, I
was going to say, of Mr. Van Buren. [Laughter.]
Only imagine such a monarch over such a people, such
a king over such subjects ! [Great laughter.] Mr.
Van Buren a ruler of these brave Tennesseeans with
their brawny arms as free as air ! [Cries of derision.]
I trust I may be excused in making an appeal to you,
Tennesseeans ? [Yes, yes.] In former days the mili-
tary of Kentucky and Tennessee fought side by side and
won a great and glorious battle. That occasion and
this present one exhibit many strong points of resem-
blance. When Jackson led our brave troops against
the myrmidons of Great Britain, a glorious victory was
achieved by that gallant captain, the victory of New
Orleans. Of that victory I shall always speak as my
heart prompts, for it was one which shed the brightest
luster on our arms. But what is the contest now?
Not between the hirelings of a foreign king and Amer-
282 Reminiscences of the
lean troops, but between a miserable being engaged in
stealing power by encroachments of the executive on
the Constitution between an American king supported
by his janissaries [Down with him] and the people
commanded by a gallant and noble captain [cheers,
three times three.] They say that this captain is a
coward, an old woman, a caged animal, and yet he
fought more battles than any other general during the
late war, and won them, too. [Cheering for several
seconds.] No general? General Jackson rolled back
from the shores of the Mexican gulf the wave of for-
eign invasion, and for flogging the British troops alone
received the highest honors a nation could bestow, yet
they call General Harrison no general, in the face of
the fact that he conquered in many battles the com-
bined forces of Great Britain and the American sav-
ages! As a statesman, he has served in more civil em-
ployments than any man living, from the lowest office
in the land to the highest, in the great wigwam of the
people, the Senate of the United States. [Applause.
Some one here cried out, " Give us some of Van Buren's
fights."] Ah! fellow-citizens, some of Mr. Van Buren's
battles! [Great laughter.]
My colleague (Mr. Crittenden) has just reminded
me of the heroism of the President. He, no hero ?
How ignorant you are of the history of your country,
says my colleague. He is the hero of three memorable
wars. There is his war against the commerce of the
country. He has triumphed, and the enemy lies at
his feet. [Applause]. There is his war against the
currency. In this too he has proved the conqueror,
and his opponent is destroyed. [Applause.] There
is his last war, though not least, his campaign against
the Seminoles, in which he was aided by his allies and
auxiliaries from Cuba. [Great applause.] I am sorry
to say in this instance that the Seminoles have main-
tained their ground. [Laughter.] But to return to
our captain. There is one qualification for public of-
fice, fellow-citizens, which our candidate does not
possess, and for this reason he is condemned by the
office-holders — he has no capacity for pocketing the
Political Campaign of 1840. 283
people's money and running away with it. [Cheer-
ing.] He has handled millions of the public treasure,
and not a cent ever polluted his hands. Where is now
this honest public officer? He is poor and derided by
those who have rioted on the speculations of the peo-
ple's money.
Fellow-citizens of Tennessee, I have said that the
present struggle for liberty is not unlike that of 1812.
Then it was a fight for liberty on the high seas now it
is a contest for freedom on the land. At New Orleans,
you Tennesseeans had the advantage of us Kentuckians
a little, and that was on the right bank of the river,
where, being badly posted and badly armed, we did
not fully sustain the character of our State. It is true,
we fought with you, side by side, on the left bank, and
there you found us ever at our post. But do you intend
to repose on your laurels gained in that battle ? Do
you intend to let us beat you in November? [One
general shout, — No, no.] Is it possible that brave,
gallant Tennessee, Tennessee devoted to constitutional
rights, will not be found abreast with Kentucky, 17,000
strong? You must be up and doing, for in November
our majority will reach 25,000. [Applause.]
A few words more and I have done. Our success
in this contest I have never doubted. In a spirit of
unbounded liberality, I gave, some time since, to Mr.
Van Buren, six out of the twenty-six States, but I
have had occasion to review that estimate, and the
result at which I have arrived is, that if the Whigs do
their duty, if they fight to conquer and save the coun-
try, the President will not even get these six. Ala-
bama I assigned to him, but she scorns such an
association. [Shouts of applause.] Even of Missouri
I do not despair. Her gallant sons are in the field,
and if they conquer, it will be indeed a victory.
Arkansas, too, if I know her, she will not abandon
the heath till the fight is over. She will do her duty.
South Carolina! [Here Mr. Clay bowed his head in
silence; great laughter.] I look back upon the gallant
stand she made in the Revolutionary struggle, with
feelings of the warmest admiration for her chivalry,
284 Reminiscences of the
and it is with pain that I pass her by in this glorious
contest, but while I do so, it is with profound detesta-
tion for her present leaders. She will probably throw
a blank vote or go with Isaac Hill's State. As for
Maine, whom I had put down for Mr. Van Buren, she
too is coming — if not in November, she will soon after
be admitted into the great Whig family.
Fellow-citizens, the cause in which we are engaged
is the cause of the people. The people are moving to
victory, and treading upon the heels of the leaders in
power. We cannot fail. It is a contest between the
log cabin and the palace, between hard cider and
champagne, and the issue will be that the office-hold-
ers will take to their heels with more rapidity than the
popping of the corks from the necks of their favorite
bottles.
In repeating to you my acknowledgments for the
kindness with which I have been received by my fel-
low-citizens of Tennessee, and more especially by the
ladies of Nashville, I pray that the talismanic influ-
ence of their power, which alone brought me here,
will contribute to rescue the country from the dangers
which now threaten it, and help to preserve and trans-
mit to posterity the liberty won for us by our fore-
fathers. [Nine cheers].
THE PEOPLE AROUSED.
SOME OF THE HARRISON RALLIES IN GEORGIA,
VIRGINIA, PENNSYLVANIA, MARYLAND, OHIO,
VERMONT, NEW YORK, KENTUCKY AND LOUIS-
IANA.
The Georgia convention was the grandest affair ever
known in the State. Twelve thousand eight hundred
and forty-eight delegates reported themselves at Macon
on the 1 3th of August, besides several thousands
of Whig and administration men were there. Every
county in Georgia was represented, and several in
Political Campaign of 1840. 285
Alabama. The convention organized by calling John
McPherson Berrila to the chair, and all the Revolution-
ary patriots present, nine in number, were by motion
made vice-presidents, and five secretaries were ap-
pointed. Hon. William C. Preston, of South Carolina,
delivered an indescribably eloquent and convincing
address. After his speech, the people, in procession,
proceeded through the principal streets to the barbecue
prepared in the immense cotton sheds. The tables
were filled many times and it seemed as though half of
Georgia was being fed.
The Whigs of Wheeling, Virginia, on the loth of
August erected a Harrison pole 230 feet high, and
threw an American flag to the breeze from its top.
At Washington, Pennsylvania, over six thousand
people with great enthusiasm held a grand Tippecanoe
rally on the 28th of August.
There was a grand gathering of the friends of Har-
rison at Middletown, Frederick county, Maryland,
on the I4th of August, whereat thousands of people
partook of an old-fashioned barbecue.
A large meeting at Warner's factory, in Cockey's
district, Baltimore county, Maryland, on October 10,
was addressed by S. H. Taggart, J. N. Steele and
others.
Tom Corwin, the wagon boy, began his canvass of
Ohio at Chillicothe on the I5th of August, and spoke
every other day till election to rousing crowds in
various counties of Ohio.
On the I4th of August, 15,000 of the Whigs of
Vermont assembled at Bennington and were addressed
by a Whig of the Revolution, General Wilson, of New
York ; Senator Tallmadge and Colonel Stone, of New
York, and others.
. John W. Baer, the Buckeye blacksmith, on the i^th
of August, addressed the Whigs of the Ninth Ward of
New York, at the Whig rendezvous, and on the iyth
spoke at the central log cabin, on Broadway — "The
star that never set shines with redoubled lustre and
brightness."
The Whig Harvest Home in Walton, Delaware
286 Reminiscences of the
county, on the 22d, was attended by over three thou-
sand people. The "old Delaware chief," General
Post introduced Hon. G. P. Tallmadge, who spoke
one of his clear and forcible speeches for more than
two hours. Hon. Geo. W. Bruen and Hon. Aaron
Clark, the late mayor of New York, followed.
The Whigs of Louisville, Ky., had a grand revival
on the 9th of August, the services being led by Messrs.
Clay and Crittenden. The Louisville Journal says:
Mr. Clay arose amid the hurrahs of the assembled
thousands and exhorted them to the further discharge
of their duty in a strain of eloquence that made the
blood of every person present rush in a warmer and
quickened current through their veins, etc. Mr. Crit-
tenden came forth and spoke about half an hour in
that style of chaste, felicitous and powerful eloquence
for which he is so distinguished throughout the
nation.
The Whigs of Louisiana had a large meeting at
New Orleans on the 3d, which was addressed by
Prentiss, of Mississippi; Gen. G. Edward Sparrow,
Barrow, White and others.
The New York State convention at Utica on the
loth was addressed by General Van Rensselaer Stan-
ley, of North Carolina; Alfred Kelley, of Ohio; H.
Ketcham, of New York ; Fletcher Webster, of
Illinois; South and others. James Burt and Peter B.
Porter were chosen senatorial electors, and J. P.
Phenix, B. Davis Noxon, Philo Orton and twenty-nine
others, district electors. It was a huge meeting.
Political Campaign of 1840. 287
HARRISON'S TASTE FOR HARD CI-
DER.
[From the Pittsburgh Intelligencer.]
It appears that General Harrison's taste for "hard
cider" has not been imbibed since his residence in Ohio,
but originated in the family of his ancestors, who have
been famous for the excellent cider which they manu-
factured. Some years ago John Randolph and Dr.
Parrish. of Philadelphia, were in conversation about
the relative amount of good things of this life which
were produced in the different States of the Union. M r.
Randolph took the ground that his own State, Virginia,
produced more than any other. After enumerating a
good many excellent things for which Virginia was fa-
mous, he was interrupted by Dr. Parrish, who said,
"Surely, Mr. Randolph, you will admit that you have
never seen any cider in Virginia equal to the Jersey
cider which you have just been drinking." " I beg
your pardon," replied Mr. Randolph, " I have drank ci-
der at Berkeley, which was superior to any Jersey cider
I ever drank, and will procure some for you in order
that you may judge for yourself." Dr. Parrish accepted
the offer, and Mr. Randolph addressed the following
letter to Mr. Harrison, of Berkeley:
DEAR SIR: I take the liberty to remind you of a prom-
ise which you were so good as to make me, to send a
few bottles (half a dozen) of your fine cider to my friend
" David Parrish, Esq., York buildings, Philadelphia."
Left with Messrs. Tompkins & Murray, Richmond,
and addressed to the care of Thomas P. Cope, Phila-
delphia, it will ( the dangers of the seas excepted ) go safe.
I am, sir, yours with great respect,
BENJAMIN HARRISON, Esq., Berkeley, Charles City.
March 22, 1816. J. R.
288 Reminiscences of the
HARRISON AT DAYTON.
GENERAL HARRISON'S SPEECH AT DAYTON, OHIO,
SEPT. 10, 1840.
One hundred thousand people had answered the call
of the log-cabin boys of the Miami Valley, and the as-
semblage was one of the most magnificent ever held in
America.
• The convention was organized by calling to the chair
" Old Stone Hammer," Ex-Governor Metcalf, of Ken-
tucky, and appointing nineteen vice-presidents, among
whom were Preston VV .Faner, of Louisiana; Major A.
Miller, of Mississippi; Governor Bigger, of Indiana;
Ex-Governor Vance, of Ohio, and others, and W.
Snethen, of Louisiana, secretary.
After a brief and happy address, welcoming the Old
Chief to Dayton, from Judge Crane, General Harrison
rose, and in a clear, sonorous voice that was heard by
every man of the immense multitude before him, ad-
dressed the convention for nearly two hours. The ap-
pearance of the old hero was hailed by the mighty
shouts of thousands for several minutes. He was in
excellent health and spoke with a fervor and animation
belonging rather to youth than to age. The fire of his
eye was undimmed by time, nor had the strength of his
manly intellect suffered in the least. The people were
impressed with the belief that he would go into the
Presidential chair a veteran in wisdom and experience,
and grasp the helm of state with a steady hand and
firm resolution, ready to administer the people's gov-
ernment after the people's will. '
The following verbatim report of his speech was
made by W. Snethen, Esq., secretary of the conven-
tion:
I rise, fellow-citizens [the multitude was here agi-
tated as the sea when the wild wind blows upon it,
and it was full five minutes before the tumult of joy at
seeing and hearing the next President of the United
States could be calmed] — I rise, fellow-citizens, to ex-
Political Campaign of 1840. 289
press to you from the bottom of a grateful heart my
warmest thanks for the kind and flattering manner in
which I have been received by the representatives of
the valley of Miami. I rise to say to you that how-
ever magnificent my reception has been on this oc-
casion, I am not so vain as to presume that it was in-
tended for me, that this glorious triumphal entry was
designed for one individual. No, I know too well that
person's imperfections to believe that this vast assem-
blage has come up here to do Jiim honor. It is the
glorious cause of Democratic rights that brought them
here. [Immense cheering.] It is the proud anniver-
sary of one of the brightest victories that glows on the
pages of our country's history, which hath summoned
this multitude together. [Tremendous cheering.]
Fellow-citizens, it was about this time of the day,
27 years ago, this very hour, this very minute, that
your speaker, as commander-in-chief of the North-
western army, was plunged into an agony of feeling
when the cannonading from our gallant fleet announced
an action with the enemy. His hopes, his fears, were
destined to be soon quieted, for the tiding of victory
were brought to him on the wings of the wind. With
the eagle of triumph perching upon our banners on the
lake, I moved on to complete the overthrow of the for-
eign foe. The anniversary of that day can never be
forgotten, for every American has cause to rejoice at
the triumph of our arms on that momentous occasion;
but the brave and gallant hero of that victory is gone,
gone to that home whither we are all hurrying, and to
his memory let us do that reverence due to the deeds
of so illustrious a patriot. From Heaven does his
soul look down upon us and gladden at the virtues
which still animate his generous countrymen recur-
ring to his noble and glorious career while on earth.
[Great sensation for several seconds.]
I am fully aware, my fellow-citizens, that you ex-
pect from me some opinion upon the various questions
which now agitate our country, from center to circum-
ference, with such fierce contention. Calumny, ever
seeking to destroy all that is good in this world, hath
19
290 Reminiscences of the
proclaimed that I am averse to declaring my opin-
ions on matters so interesting to you; but nothing can
be more false. [Cheers.]
Have I not declared over and often, that the Presi-
dent of this Union does not constitute any part or por-
tion of the legislative body ? [Cries from every quar-
ter, You have, you have.] Have I not said over and
often, that the executive should not by any act of his
forestall the action of the National Legislature? [You
have, you have.]
Have I not time out of mind proclaimed my opposi-
tion to a citizen's going forward among the people
and soliciting votes for the Presidency? Have I not
many a time and often said, that in my opinion no man
ought to aspire to the Presidency of the United States
unless he is designated as a candidate fdf that high of-
fice by the unbought wishes of the people? [Cheering.]
If the candidate for so high an office be designated by
the will of a portion or majority of the people, they
will have come to the determination of sustaining such
a man, from a review of his past actions and life, and
they will not exact pledges from him of what he will
do or what he will not do, for their selection of him is
proof enough that he will carry out the doctrines of his
party. This plan of choosing a candidate for the Pres-
idency is a much surer bar against corruption than the
system of requiring promises. If the pledging plan is
pursued the effect will be to offer the Presidential
chair to the man who will make the most promises.
[Laughter.] He who would pledge most, he who
would promise most, would be the man to be voted for;
and I have no hesitation in declaring my belief that he
who would subject his course to be thus tied up by
promises and pledges would not stop to break them
when once in office. [Cheering.] Are my views on
this topic correct or are. they not? [With one voice
the multitude indicted they were.]
If, fellow-citizens, we examine the history of all
republics, we shall find as they receded from the purity
of representative government, the condition of obtain-
ing office was the making promises. He who bid the
Political Campaign of 1840. 291
highest in promises was the favored candidate, and the
higher the bids, the more marked and certain the cor-
ruption. Look at the* progress of this thing in our own
Republic. Were any pledges required of your Wash-
ington or your Adams? Adams was the candidate of
the Federal party, and as a statesman was bound to
carry out the principles of his party. Was his successor,
Thomas Jefferson, the high priest of Constitutional
Democracy, called on for pledges? No. His whole
life was a pledge of what he would do. And if we
go back to this old system of selecting men for the
Presidency whose past career shall be a guarantee of
their conduct when elected to the Chief Magistracy of
the Republic, the nation would advance safely, rapidly
and surely in the path of prosperity. But of late years
the corrupting system of requiring pledges hath been
adopted. The Presidency hath been put up to the
highest bidder in promises, and we see the result. It
remains for you, my fellow-citizens, to arrest this
course of things. [Cries of "We will, we will."]
While, then, fellow-citizens, I have never hesitated
to declare my opinions on proper occasions upon the
great questions before the nation, I cannot consent to
make mere promises the condition of obtaining the
office which you kindly wish to bestow upon me. My
opinions I am free to express, but you already have
them, sustained and supported by the acts of a long
and arduous life. That life is a pledge of my future
course, if I am elevated by your suffrages to the high-
est office in your gift. [Immense cheering for several
seconds.]
It has been charged against me, fellow-citizens, that
lam a Federalist. While I acknowledge that the origi-
nal Federal party of this country was actuated in its
course by no improper motives, I deny that I ever be-
longed to that class of politicians. [Tremendous cheer-
ing.] How could I belong to that party? I was edu-
cated in the school of anti-Federalism, and though too
young to take an active part in the politics of the coun-
try when, at the erection of the Constitution, the nation
was divided into two great parties, my honored father
292 Reminiscences of the
had inducted me into the principles of Constitutional
Democracy, and my teachers were the Henrys and the
Mason's of that period. He who declared that the seeds
of monarchy were sown in the soil of the Constitution
was a leader in my school of politics. He, who said
that "if this Government be not a monarchy, it has an
awful squinting towards a monarchy," was my mentor.
[Immense applause. Some time elapsed before order
could be restored, at hearing these emphatic declara-
tions of the general.] If I know my own feelings, if
I know my own judgment, I believe now as I did
then, with the patriarchs of thejeffersonian school, that
the seeds of monarchy were indeed sown in the fertile
soil of our Federal Constitution; and that though for
nearly fifty years they lay dormant, they at last sprouted
and shot forth into strong and thriving plants, bear-
ing blossoms and producing ripe fruit. This Govern-
ment is now a practical monarchy ! [Loud and long cheer-
ing, indicating that the people felt the full force of his
declaration.] Power is power, it matters not by what
name it is called. The head of the Government exer-
cising monarchical power may be named king, em-
peror, president, or Imaum [great laughter], still he is
a monarch. But this is not all. The President of these
United States exercises a power superior to that vested
in the hands of nearly all the European kings. It is a
power far greater than that ever dreamed of by the
old Federal party.
It is an ultra Federal power, it is despotism !
[Cheering.] And I may here advert to an objection
that has been made against me. It has been said, that
if I ever should arrive at the dignified station occupied
by my opponent, I would be glad and eager to retain
the power enjoyed by the President of the United
States. Never, never. [Tremendous cheering.]
Though averse from pledges of every sort, I here
openly and before the world declare that I will use all
the power and influence vested in the office of Presi-
dent of the Union to abridge the power and influence
of the National Executive ! [It is impossible to
describe the sensation produced oy this declaration.]
Political Campaign of 1840. 293
Is this Federalism ? [Cries of no, no, for several
seconds.] In the Constitution, that glorious charter of
our liberties, there is a defect, and that defect is, the
term of service of the President was not limited.
This omission is the source of all the evil under which
the country is laboring. If the privilege of being
President of the United States had bee\i limited to
one term the incumbent would devote all his time to
the public interest, and there would* be. no cause to
misrule the country. I shall not animadvert on the
present administration, lest you may in that case con-
ceive that I am aiming for the Presidency, to use it for
selfish purposes. I should be an interested witness if
I entered into the subject. But I pledge myself before
Heaven and earth, if elected President of these United
States, to lay down at the end of the term faithfully
that high trust at the feet of the people ! [Here the
multitude was so excited as to defy description.]
I go farther. I here declare before this vast assem-
bly of the Miami Tribe [great laughter] that if I am
elected, no human being shall ever know upon whom
I would prefer to see the people's mantle fall; but I
shall surrender this glorious badge of their authority
into their own hands to bestow it as they please!
[Nine cheers.] Is this Federalism? [No, no, no.]
Again, in relation to the charge of being a Federalist,
I can refer to the doings previous to, and during the
late war. The Federal party took ground against that
war, and as a party there never existed a purer band
of patriots, for when the note of strife was sounded,
they rallied under the banner of their country. But
patriots as they were, I do know that I was not one of
them! [Cheering.] I was denounced in unmeasured
terms as one of the authors of that war, and was held
up by the Federal papers of the day as the marked
object of the party. I could here name the man who
came to me, and a more worthy man never lived, to
say that he was mistaken in his views of my policy as
governor of Indiana, when I was charged by the Fed-
eralists as uselessly involving the country in an Indian
war. He told me that I acted rightly in that matter,
294 Reminiscences of the
and that the war was brought on by me as a matter of
necessity. [Cries of name him, name him.] It was
Mr. Gaston, of North Carolina. [Three cheers.] Is
this a proof that 1 was a Federalist? [No, no, no.]
I have now got rid, my fellow-citizens, of this base-
less charge — no, I have not. There are a few more
allegations to notice. I am not a professional speaker,
hot a studied orator, but I am an old soldier and a
farmer, and as my sole object is to speak what I think,
you will excuse me if I do it in my own way. [Shouts
of applause, and cries of u the old soldier and farmer
for us."]
I have said that there were other allegations to no-
tice". To prove that I was a Federalist, they assert that
I supported the alien and sedition laws, and in doing
so, violated the principles and express words of the
Constitution. I did not, fellow-citizens, ever partici-
pate in this measure. When those laws passed, I was
a soldier in the Army of the United States! [Applause.]
Again, they censure me for my course in Congress,
when I served you in that body as a Representative of
the Northwest Territory. And here I will advert to
the fact that I represented, 'at the time, a territory com-
prising now the States of Indiana, Ohio, Illinois and
Michigan. I was the sole representative of that im-
mense extent of country. [A voice here cried, "And
you are going to be again!" Tremendous cheering.]
As I understand Federalism to be in its origin, so I un-
stand it to be now. It was and is the accumulation of
power in the executive to be used and exercised for
its own benefit Was my conduct in Congress then
such as to entitle me to the appellation of Federalist?
[Cries of no, no, and cheering.]
I had the honor, as chairman of a committee in the
year 1800, to devise a bill which had for its object to
snatch from the grasp of speculators all this glorious
country which now teems with rich harvests tinder
the hands of the honest, industrious and virtuous hus-
bandmen. * [Immense cheering.] Was I a Federalist
then? [Cries of no, no, no.] When I was governor
of Indiana, ask how the unlimited power bestowed
Political Campaign of 1840. 295
upon me was exercised — a power as high as that ex-
ercised by the present President of the United States !
I was the sole monarch of the Northwest Territory !
[Laughter.] Did I discharge my duties as governor
of that vast territory in such a way as to show that I
was in love with the tremendous powers invested in
me ? [Here some 4,000 persons in one quarter of the
crowd raised their hats in the air and rent it with shouts,
of No, no, no. They were the delegation from Indiana.
This prompt response from so many persons produced
great sensation.] There is an essential difference be-
tween the President of the United States and me.
When he was in the convention which remodeled the
Constitution of New York he was for investing the
governor with the appointment of the sheriffs. When
I was governor of Indiana, and possessed the power of
appointing all officers, I gave it up to the people !
[Intense excitement and great cheering.] I never ap-
pointed any officer whatever while governor of In-
d.ana, whether sheriff, coroner, judge, justice of the
peace, or ought else, without first consulting and ob-
taining the wishes of the people. [Shouts of applause.]
Was this an evidence that I was a Federalist? [No,
no, no.]
I think I have now shown you, fellow-citizens, con-
clusively that my actions do not constitute me a Fed-
eralist, and it is to them I proudly point as the shield
against which the arrows of my calumniators will fall
in vain. [Immense cheering.]
Methinks I hear a soft voice asking: Are you in favor
of paper money? I am. [Shouts of applause.] If
you would know why I am in favor of the credit sys-
tem, I can only say it is because I am a Democrat.
[Immense cheering.] The two systems are the only
means under heaven by which a poor, industrious man
may become a rich man without bowing to colossal
wealth. [Cheers.] But with all this I am not a bank
man. Once in my life I was, and then they cheated
me out of every dollar I placed in their hands. [Shouts
of laughter.] And I shall never indulge in this way
again, for it is more than probable that I shall never
296 Reminiscences cf t/ic
again have money beyond the day's wants. But I am
in favor of a correct banking system, for the simple
reason that the share of the precious metals which, in
the course of trade, falls to our lot, is much less than
the circulating medium which our internal and external
commerce demands, to raise our prices to a level with
the prices of Europe, where the credit system does
prevail. There must be some plan to multiply the gold
and silver which our industry commands; and there is
no other way to do this but by a safe banking system.
[Great applause.] I do not pretend to say that a per-
fect system of banking can be devised. There is nothing
in the offspring of the human mind that does not savor
of imperfection. No plan of government or finance
can be devised free from defect. After long delibera-
tion I have no hopes that this country can ever go on
to prosper under a pure specie currency. Such a cur-
rency but makes the poor poorer, and the rich richer.
A properly devised banking system alone possesses
the capability of bringing the poor to a level with the
rich. [Tremendous cheering.]
I have peculiar notions of government. Perhaps I
may err. I am no statesman by profession, but as I
have already said, I am a half soldier and a half farmer,
and it may be, that if I am elected to the first office in
your gift, my fellow-citizens will be deceived in me;
but I can assure them, that if in carrying out their
wishes, the head shall err, the heart is true. [Great
huzzaing.]
My opinion qf the power of Congress to charter a
national bank remains unchanged. There is not in
the Constitution any express grant of power for such
purpose, and it could never be Constitutional to exer-
cise that power, save in the event the powers granted
to Congress could not be carried into effect, without
resorting to such an institution. [Applause.] Mr.
Madison signed the law creating^ -national bank be-
cause he thought that the revenue of the country could
not be collected or disbursed to the best advantage with-
out the interposition of such an establishment. I said
in my letter to Sherrod Williams, that if it was plain
Political Campaign of 1840. 297
that if the revenues of the Union could only be col-
lected and disbursed in the most effectual way by
means of a bank, and if I was clearly of opinion that
the majority of the people of the United States de-
sired such an institution, then, and then only, would I
sign a bill going to charter a bank. [Shouts of ap-
plause.] I have never regarded the office of Chief
Magistrate as conferring upon the incumbent the
power of mastery over the popular will, but as grant-
ing him the power to execute the properly expressed
will of the people and not to resist it. With my
mother's milk did I suck in the principles on which the
Declaration of Independence was founded. [Cheer-
ing.] That declaration complained that the king
would not let the people make such laws as they
wished. Shall a president or an executive officer un-
dertake, at this late time of day, to control the
people in the exercise of their supreme will ? No.
The people are the best guardians of their own rights
[applause], and it is the duty of their executive to ab-
stain from interfering in or thwarting the sacred ex-
ercise of the law-making functions of their Govern-
ment.
In this view of the matter, I defend my having
signed a well-known bill which passed the legislature
while I was governor of Indiana. It is true, my oppo-
nents have attempted to cast odium upon me for hav-
ing done so, but while they are engaged in such an
effort, they impugn the honor and honesty of the
inmates of the log cabins, who demanded the passage
and signature of that bill. The men who now dare to
arraign the people of Indiana for having exercised
their rights as they pleased, were in their nurse's arms
when that bill passed the legislature. What do they
know of the pioneers of that vast wilderness? I tell
them, that in the legislature which passed the bill
exciting so much their horror, there were men as pure
in heart and as distinguished for their common sense
and high integrity as any who set themselves up for
models in these days. [Immense cheering.] I glory
in carrying out their views, for in doing so, I submitted
298 Reminiscences of the
to the law-making powers in accordance with the
Declaration of Independence; I did not prevent the
people from making what laws they pleased! [Cheer-
ing.]
If the Augean stable is to be cleansed, it will be
necessary to go back to the principles of Jefferson.
[Cheers.] It has been said by the Henrys, the Madi-
sons, the Graysons, and others, that one of the great
dangers in our Government is, that the powers vested
in the General Government would overshadow the
government of the States. There is truth in this, and
long since and often have I expressed the opinion that
the interference of the General Government with the
elective franchise in the States would be the signal for
the downfall of liberty. That interference has taken
place, and while the mouths of professed Democrats
appeal to Jefferson, and declare they are governed by
his principles, they are urging at the same time 100,000
office-holders to meddle in the State elections! And
if the rude hand of power be not removed from the
elective franchise, there will soon be an end to the
Government of the Union. [Cries of assent] It is a
truth in Government ethics, that when a larger power
comes in contact with a smaller power, the latter is
speedily destroyed or swallowed up by the former. So
in regard to the General Government and the State gov-
ernments. Siiould I ever be placed in the Chief Mag-
istrate's seat, I will carry out the principles of Jackson,
and never permit the interference of office-holders in
the elections. [Immense applause.] I will do no
more. While I will forbid their interference in elec-
tions, I will never do aught to prevent their going
quietly to the polls and voting, even against me or my
measures. No American citizen should be deprived of
his power of voting- as he pleases.
I have detained you, fellow-citizens, longer than I
intended, but you now see that I am not the old man
on crutches, nor the imbecile they say I am [cheer-
ing]— not the prey to disease — [a voice cried here, Nor
the bear in a cage] nor the caged animal they wittily
described me to be [great laughter and cheering.]
Political Campaign of 1840. 299
But before I conclude, there are two or three other
topics I must touch upon.
The violence of party spirit, as of late exhibited, is a
serious mischief to the political welfare of the country.
Party feeling is necessary in a certain degree to the
health and stability of a republic, but when pushed to
too great an extent, it is detrimental to the body politic;
it is the rock upon which many a republic has been
dashed to pieces. An old farmer told me the other
day that he did not believe one of the stories circulated
against me, and he would support me if I were only a
Democrat. [Laughter.] But if I support and sustain
Democratic principles, what matters it how I'm called?
It matters a good deal,, said he; you don't belong to the
Democratic party! [Laughter.] Can anything be
more ruinous in its tendency to our institutions than
this high party spirit, which looks to the shadow and
not to the substance of things? Nothing, nothing.
This running after names, after imaginings, is omnious
of dangerous results. In the blessed Book we are told
that the pretension of false Christs shall be in future
times so specious that even the elect will be deceived.
And is it not so now with Democracy? The name
does not constitute the Democrat. It is the vilest im-
posture ever attempted upon the credulity of the public
mind to array the poor of the country under the name
of Democrats, against the rich, and style them aristo-
crats. This is dealing in fables. The natural antago-
nist of Democracy is not aristocracy. It is monarchy.
There is no instance on record of a republic like ours
running into an aristocracy. It can hurry into a pure
Democracy, and the confidence of that Democracy be-
ing once obtained by a Marius or a Cassar, by a Bolivar
or a Bonaparte,he strides rapidly from professions of love
for the people to usurpation of their rights, and steps
from that high eminence to a throne! [Cheering.]
And thus in the name of Democracy the boldest crimes
are committed. Who forgets the square in Paris,
where ran rivers of the people's blood, shed in the name
of Democracy at the foot of the statue of liberty! Cher-
ish not the man, then, who under the guise and name of
300 Reminiscences of the
Democracy, tries to overthrow the principles of Re-
publicanism as professed and acted upon by Jefferson
and Madison. [Immense cheering.]
General Harrison here adverted to the calumnies put
forth against his military fame by that noble pair of
brothers, Allen and Duncan, and in severe but just
terms exposed the falsehoods of these vilifiers. He
proved they were guilty of falsifying the records of the
country, and in a brief and lucid manner vindicated
himself and the honor of the nation from the aspersions
of these and other reckless politicians. He showed that
the received history of his brilliant career in the North-
west had been stamped by the impress of truth, and he
will soon find that a generous and grateful people will
testify their admiration of his glorious services in their
cause by raising the brave old soldier to the highest of-
fice in their gift.
A precious inheritance, continued the general, has
been handed down to you by your forefathers. In
Rome, the sacred fire of fabled gods was kept alive by
vestal virgins, and they watched over the gift with
eager eyes. In America, a glorious fire has been lighted
upon the altar of liberty, and to you, my fellow-citizens,
has it been intrusted in safe keeping to be nourished
with care and fostered forever. Keep it burning, and
let the sparks that continually go up from it fall on
other altars and light up in distant lands the fire of free-
dom. The Tui k busies himself no longer with his harem
or his bow string. To licentiousness have succeeded
the rights of man, and constitutions are given, to the
people by once despotic rulers. Whence the light that
now shines in that land of darkness? It was a brand
snatched from your own proud altar, and thrust into
the pyre of Turkish oppression. Shall then the far-
seen light upon the shrine of American liberty ever be
extinguished? [No, no, no.] It would not be your loss
only; it would be the loss of the whole world. The
enemies of freedom in Europe are watching you with
intense anxiety; and your friends, few as the planets of
heaven, are praying for your success. Deceive them
not, but keep the sacred fire burning steadily upon
Political Campaign of 1840. 301
your altars, and the Ohio farmer, whom you design to
make your Chief Magistrate, will, at the end of four
years, cheerfully lay down the authority which you may
intrust him with free from all ambition. It will be
glory enough for me to be honored as those pure and
honest Republicans, Washington, Jefferson and Madi-
son, were honored with the high confidence of a great,
noble, just and generous people! [The excitement and
cheering continued for several minutes, and the multi-
tude were swayed to and fro as the leaves of the forest
in a wind storm.]
While General Harrison was delivering this address
the mail arrived with a letter for a leading Whig in
the crowd, giving the particulars of the glorious victory
in Vermont. Old Tippecanoe paused in the midst of
his eloquence, and the letter was read in a loud tone
from one of the speakers' stands. Mighty beyond de-
scription was the shout that followed when one hundred
thousand voices mingled in one long and startling
thunder peal, as when the whirlwind rends the ash it
burst the years of the Loco Foco's and crushed their
hopes and bruised their hearts.
IN MASSACHUSETTS.
THE BUNKER HILL CONVENTION AT BOSTON, THURS-
DAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1840.
I arrived here yesterday morning at 8 o'clock, and
found the city already full in anticipation of the great
Whig convention which is to take place on Bunker
Hill to-day. Although I had taken the precaution to
send for an apartment at the Tremont House ten days
in advance I was not sufficiently early. Every hotel
and every boarding-house of which I could hear was
full, and, with thousands of others, I was thrown upon
the hospitality of the people, a hospitality always pro-
302 Reminiscences of the
verbial, and certainly, on the present occasion, exercised
without stint. Even in the forenoon of yesterday the
city was so full of strangers, the streets of people from
abroad in motion, that the inhabitants were almost
puzzled to know whether they were themselves at
home or not. The mighty influx gathered strength
through the day, and what it will be at 10 o'clock this
morning, I am utterly unable to form a conjecture.
The house of every Whig in the city, where there
was not sickness to prevent, was cheerfully thrown
open; every extra bed was taken, and nearly a thou-
sand new beds were made by contracts, under the direc-
tion of the committee, and before dark last evening all
were distributed in vacant rooms throughout the city
and made up for use; so that by n o'clock last night,
as one of the committee, who has been charged spec-
ially with this branch of the commissariat, informed me
on closing his day of arduous labor, it was believed that
every stranger who had reported himself to the central
committee at Fanueil Hall was comfortably housed.
The proceedings of the occasion were in fact com-
menced yesterday, by various preliminary meetings.
The citizens of Roxbury took it upon themselves to
provide for the people gathering in from the adjacent
towns of the county of Suffolk; as did the inhabitants
of Charlestown for those from the country to which
it appertains. Large meetings were held in both places
yesterday afternoon. Who were the speakers at
Charlestown I have not learned. Those at Roxbury
were the Hon. Benjamin Watkins Leigh, of Virginia,
and the Hon. George Evans, of Maine. There were
several large meetings in different quarters of the city
last evening. The Marlborough Chapel was thronged
until ii o'clock, to hear Reverdy Johnson, of Bal-
timore, and a very able man from Ohio, whose name
I have not learned. At the log cabin, which is in the
Sixth ward, there was a large gathering in the street,
which was addressed by Colonel Kinsman, of Maine,
and Colonel Frank Johnson, of Kentucky, and by
your humble servant.
Among the distinguished gentlemen from a distance,
Political Campaign of 1840. 303
who had arrived last evening, are Mr. Leigh, of Vir-
ginia; Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Baltimore; Governor
Penington, of New Jersey; Governor Ellsworth, of
Connecticut; Mr. Phelps, Senator in Congress from
Vermont; Mr. Huntington, Senator, and Mr. Williams,
Representative in Congress from Connecticut; Mr.
Evans, member of Congress from Maine; Mr. Chinn,
from Louisiana; Mr. Hoffman, member of Congress,
and Philip Hone, from New York, Mr. F. Johnson,
from Kentucky; Mr. Tillinghast, Senator Robbins, and
Mr. Whipple, Rhode Island; Mr. William King, from
Maine; General Kimberly, of New Haven, and many
others. Several members of Congress from Massa-
chusetts are, or will be present, among whom are Gov-
ernor Lincoln, Mr. Saltonstall, Caleb Gushing and
others.
The delegation from abroad will be very numerous.
It is believed that there will be ten thousand people
here from Essex county. Mr. Robbins assures me that
the delegation from Rhode Island will be fourteen
hundred. The delegations from New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland have already ar-
rived, but I have not yet had time to see them.
The proceedings of the day are to commence at 10
o'clock, by the formation of the procession on the
mall. The executive committee with guests by
particular invitation, meet at the State House at nine
o'clock. The line of march to Bunker Hill is about
five miles, and it will not probably reach the place be-
fore 2 P. M. There is not to be any speaking there
save a few remarks by Mr. Webster, who is to preside,
introductory to a declaration from his pen, which will
be printed for the public by a printing press which is
to move in the procession.
There are to be five meetings at different places this
evening, viz: One at Faneuil Hall, over which Mr.
Webster is to preside; at the Odeon, where Franklin
Dexter is to preside; at the Marlborough Chapel,
where Mr. Winthrop will preside; at the City Hal!,
under the direction of James T. Austin; and at the
Republican Whig Hall, under Stephen Fairbanks.
304 Reminiscences of the
When all is over I will endeavor to give you as good
an account as I can, though from the scattering of the
meetings, the observations of any one spectator must
necessarily be very inadequate.
There was a great crowd on board the noble
steamer Massachusetts, from New York, on Tuesday
evening- five hundred at least. All were full of ardor
and enthusiasm, and such was the feeling that it could
only be expressed through a meeting and such speak-
ing as was to be had on the occasion.
There is another great subject of attraction here in
Boston now — the great fair for which the ladies have
been so long preparing, in order to raise funds for the
completion of the Bunker Hill Monument. The work
will be done.
HALF PAST THREE O'CLOCK.
The great pageant of the day is over. Such a pa-
feant before I have never seen. Such a pageant again
never expect to see. The spectacle of the mighty
gathering upon the mall was animating beyond any
other movement of the people that I ever beheld. The
procession when formed, and the appearance of the
city along all the great streets through which it moved,
the thousand gay and streaming banners, the triumphal
arches, the decorations of public and private buildings,
the twice-ten-thousand ladies at their windows and
upon piazzas, balustrades and galleries, saluting the
immense procession with myriads of snow-white
handkerchiefs, and ten thousand children with their
gay little banners, all, all formed the most brilliant ex-
hibition that can be imagined. And it must only be
pictured in the imagination, for it cannot be described.
It was a few minutes past one o'clock before the
head of the procession reached the consecrated ground,
and a full hour elapsed before the whole of this mag-
nificent procession came up. Indeed, it did not all
come upon the ground, for it could not. At 2 o'clock
Mr. Webster took the chair, amid the loud acclama-
tions of a greater assemblage of men than any of us had
ever gazed upon. His address on the occasion was
Political Campaign of 1840. 305
short and impressive, the hallowed cause which had
brought the mighty throng together, and the conse-
crated spot on which he stood, gave solemnity to his
manner and inspiration to his thoughts. He spoke of
the declaration to which I referred as being in prep-
aration in my first letter this morning; and, on con-
cluding, he introduced Mr. Winthrop, speaker of the
House of Representatives, who read it. It was then
adopted by the unanimous shout of aye, which almost
shook the hill to its base; and no wonder, for the shout
was the united voice of seventy-five thousand freemen,
and it sounded like what Byron calls "The earthquake
voice of victory."
After the adoption of the declaration, Mr. Webster
rose, and successively introduced to the multitudinous
assembly a number of the distinguished guests present
on the occasion, each of whom delivered a brief and
pertinent speech in response to the cheers with which
they were received. The first of them was Governor
Pennington, of New Jersey; the second, Governor
Ellsworth, of Connecticut; next, Mr. Senator Phelps,
of Vermont, was introduced; next General Kimberly,
late Senator from Connecticut, next was Benjamin
Watkins Leigh, of Virginia; next, George Evans, of
Main. While the last was speaking I left the ground
for the purpose of preparing this brief dispatch, and
inclosing a copy of the noble declaration adopted as I
have already stated.
The morning opened upon us beautifully, and until
half-past three a finer day for the occasion could not
have been vouchsafed by Providence. About half-
past one o'clock the clouds gathered blackness and
strength in the West, and one or two heavy showers
went round us to the North. At half-past three, how-
ever, a gust of rain and wind suddenly broke over the
meeting, which caused a quick dispeision, though con-
sidering the circumstances, and the masses collected,
the breaking up was not disorderly. While I am writ-
ing it is clearing away, and the skies afford cheerful
promise for the evening.
20
306 Reminiscences of the
THE PROCESSION.
The following was the order of the procession:
Cavalcade; music; chief marshals and aides; Whig
State central committee; soldiers of the Revolution,
and other invited guests; officers who served in the
last war; committee of reception and arrangement, for
Suffolk and Charlestown; delegates from States out of
New England, in the order of their adoption of the
Constitution and admission into the Union. Whigs
of New England, in the following order: Maine,
New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
Massachusetts, by counties.
Among the banners were the following:
Ward i: Banner, The mechanic's arm, with a ham-
mer in hand — inscription over it, "In This Good Right
Arm We Place Our Trust." Underneath, "The First
Ward — The Home of Paul Revere." On the reverse,
"The Laborer Is Worthy of his Hire" — surrounding,
' "Ward i."
Ward 5: An eagle with a scroll in its mouth, bear-
ing the inscription,
"To save the ship of state from wreck,
We'll place a patriot on her deck."
Underneath is a vessel representing the ship of
state in distress and storm. Motto, " We Love Our
Liberties, we Venerate the Constitution; We Hold in
Grateful Remembrance its Founders; we will Honor
and Sustain Its Defenders." Reverse, A copy of
Stuart's Washington; motto, "The Rulers of a Repub-
lic Elected to Serve the People, Not Tyrannize Over
Them."
Ward 6: A correct picture of the log cabin which
is the Whig headquarters of this ward, with the motto,
"Shall the People or the Office-holders Prevail?"
On the reverse, Ward 6 — " Harrison and Tyler, the Men
of the People."
Ward 10: Steam engine. Over it, "The People's
Engine." Underneath. "1775 — Our Whole Country
is our Track — 1840."
East Boston: "The Log Cabin Which Sheltered Our
Political Campaign of 1840. 307
Fathers while Achieving Our Freedom, is Our Emblem
in Its Defense." Reverse. " We Come to Protect Our
Interests — Commerce, Fisheries, Mechanic Arts, La-
bor." A representation of the barracks that Washing-
ton gave Williams, owner of East Boston.
Boston Harrison Club: The banner of the Harrison
Club represents Diogenes in search of an honest man.
He is represented as looking at a guide-board which
points in two directions, on one is inscribed the " WThite
House," and the other, " North Bend." The old fellow,
of course, is about taking the North Bend road. On
one side is inscribed "Boston Harrison Club," and
"Diogenes in Search of an Honest Man." On the
other side is the motto from Pope, "An Honest Man's
the Noblest Work of God," and the painting repre-
sents Diogenes giving " Old Tip" a hearty shake at the
door of a log cabin, and pouring the rays of his lamp
full upon his honest face. The inscription below is,
"Diogenes Successful in his Search."
Bristol county banner : A beautiful painting, rep-
resenting the crew of a whale boat in the act of
harpooning a whale — ship in the distance. Motto,
"Harrison and Tyler." Inscription, "Fortune Has
Buckled Honors on our Backs, which We Would Fain
Throw Off (referring to Governor Morton's residence
in that county.) On the reverse — a painting repre-
senting the different interests of the country, with the
inscription, " From Our Work Shops, Our Ships and
Our Farms, We Come to the Rescue."
Beverly : Upon one side a ship under full sail, but
apparently in great confusion, her top-gallant sheets
gone, and many of the crew leaving her in boats —
Van Buren at the helm, and steering directly on the
rocks. In the foreground, Amos with his chin just
under water, hugging a life-buoy nearly sunk, labeled,
"Extra Globe," arid crying "Pm Sick" On there-
verse, a ship in fine order, Harrison at the helm, and
going off with a flowing sheet. Motto — " Beverly
Goes for Harrison and Davis. "
Dukes County : " No Duties at the Custom House
—Full Duties at the Ballot Box. "
308 Reminiscences of the
Taunton : " We Form to Reform."
Providence Tippecanoe Club : Arms of State, " In
God We Hope. " On the reverse, painting of Perry's
Victory on Lake Erie. " We have Met the Enemy
and They are Ours. "
Every county and every town in old Massachusetts,
was well represented on this occasion. Each town
had its banner and other emblems, generally inge-
niously devised, and containing some local or political
allusion of an appropriate character. The Nantucket
and New Bedford delegations were accompanied oy
whale boats; elegantly built for the occasion, and
neatly trimmed, and manned by stout and stalwart,
thorough-going Whigs. The delegates from Lynn
brought with them the mammoth shoe, drawn by
white horses, and containing twenty-five or thirty
good Whigs — real working men. Several log cabins
were also in the procession, and other emblems ex-
pressive of simplicity, industry, honesty and patriotism,
The cavalcade was very numerous, and among them
was a large body of truckmen, who, with their white
frocks, and mounted on large and powerful horses, at-
tracted great attention. Mr. Eastburn's printing press,
mounted on a car drawn by five horses, and appropri-
ately embellished and in full operation, was also an ob-
ject of great curiosity.
A band of noble-looking sailors also mingled in the
procession, preceded by Captain Hunt, of the ship
Switzerland, bearing a large American ensign. A ship,
full rigged, and attended by a band of gallant sailors,
from Essex county, was regarded with much interest.
Arches, beautifully decorated, were thrown across the
streets in this city in several places. And we must not
forget to mention the great Whig ball, covered with
inscriptions, rolled along by the Whigs of Concord,
which formed quite a conspicuous object.
In Charlestown, across the Warren avenue, a beau-
tiful triumphal arch was erected, beneath which the
procession passed.
The delegation from Middlesex, consisting of some
thousands, assembled at 8 o'clock in the public square
Political Campaign of 1840. 309
in Charlestown, and marched in procession over War-
ren bridge to the common. They made a splendid ap-
pearance.
The American ensign and pennants were seen flying
in every direction, extending across the streets of Bos-
ton and Charlestown, waving from flag staffs erected
for the occasion, and in some cases from the tops of
trees.
SARGENT JOEL DOWNING TO GEN.
JACKSON.
. Downingville, away down East, \
in the State of Maine, July, 1840.\
DEAR GINERAL: In respect of your letter, dated
at the Hermitage, 23d of June, and sent to the editor
of the Nashville Union, I think down along here it's
all working 'tother way from what you meant it; and
it seems to me our cause and Mr. VanJBuren's is get-
ting along about as fast as a crab would run, and
pretty much the same way.
Go where you will it's all log cabin and hard cider
and there's no stopping on't. I found it so all the
way from the Hermitage here, and it's been so here
ever since I got here. It aint now as 'twas a few
years ago when I and my cousin, the Major, used to
be fighting for you. Then we could carry everything
jest as we'd a mind to. All we had to do was to hur-
rah for old Hickory, and folks would turn out and give
us a lift, and carry any election we wanted to all over
the country. But folks down this way say they've got
tired of Mr. Van Buren. They don't think he's sich a
great President as you've cracked him up to be.
Uncle Joshua says he don't come up to Mr. Jefferson
or Mr. Madison, no touch to it.
I had a serious talk with Uncle Joshua last night
about matters. You know he always went for you
through thick and thin, all weathers, and we had a
3 to Reminiscences of the
tight pull here in Maine, he was commonly the main
spoke in the wheel for us. So when I see him chair-
man of the log cabin meeting the day I got here, and
see him swinging his hat with the rest of 'em, I began
to feel a little streaked, and was afraid we was a going
to lose him. So I got a chance to get him alone last
night, and had a long talk with him. I went right at
him in what I thought would be his sorest pint, in the
first place; and says I:
" Uncle, you'll lose the post-office as sure as your
name is Joshua Downing, if you go to wavering about
and giving up Mr. Van Buren, and taking sides with
old Tippecanoe."
At that he snapped his fingers at me, and, says he,
" Joel, vou needn't think to come here to teach me pol-
itics. I knew politics before you was born. I was a
Republican of the old stamp, and was the first one in
Dowingville that come out for Jefferson against old
John Adams. Then was the days, Joel, to larn poli-
tics. We used to have it hot and heavy, up hill and
down. I went right into the front of the battle and fit
it out, till I brought over three-quarters of Downing-
ville to my side. So 'twas pretty much all over the
country. When we begun the battle, most everybody
was for Adams. He come in under Washington, you
know, and everybody thought of course he must
sarve eight years jest as Washington did. But when
he begun to have his alien and sedition laws, and gag
laws, and I don't know what all, why, by jings, the
Democratic-Republican blood of the country was right
up. You could hear the rumbling of the young earth-
quake clear from the District of Maine to Georgia; and,
after fighting like tigers, we brought Jefferson in."
u Well, now," says I, " Uncle Joshua, what does all
this rigmarole about Jefferson and Adams amount to?
I want you to stick to Mr. Van Buren. so as not to lose
your post-office."
At that he snapped his fingers in my face again, and
says he:
" I tell you, Joel, I don't care that for the post-office,
compared with the good of the country. We are fight-
Political Campaign of 1840. 311
ing over almost jest sich a battle as we did in the days
of Jefferson and Adams. Here's Van Buren, you
know, come in under old Hickory, and in the first on't
he had most all the country in his favor, and if he had
done as he ought to, he might a stood his eight years.
But only see what a pickle he's got us into. He's turned
the whole country topsy-turvy, capsized everybody's
business, and made us all bankrupt. And I think its
high time to have a change. And I tell you what 'tis,
Joel, the Democratic-Republican blood of the country
has got roused, and if it don't put things straight again,
I'm mistaken. There's been little kind of flustrations
in politics a good many times in this country since
we've been a government; but there has'nt been only
three times when the Republican blood fairly biled
over. The first time was when it turned out old John
Adams and put in Jefferson; and the second time was
when it turned out John Quincy Adams and put in old
Hickory; and 'tother time is now, when it is biling
over to turn out Van Buren and put in the old hero of
Tippecanoe. And it'll do it, Joel, and no mistake."
"Well, now, uncle," says I, "what fault do you find
with Mr. Van Buren ? It isn't he that's brought on
all these difficulties. Biddle's bank has done all the
mischief."
At that Uncle Joshua rolled up his eyes at me, and
puckered the corners of his mouth as if he was half
laughin, and says he,
"Joel, a man that's been about the country as much
as you have ought to have more sense than that.
Squire Biddle's bank has been out of the Government
this long time, but things has kept growing worse and
worse all the time, and it's quite too late now to
shoulder it off onto Biddle's bank."
" Well," says I, "uncle, after all your talk, you haven't
brought up a single thing yet against Mr. Van Buren
or his government, and ifntil you can do that, I think
you ought to be in better business than to be coming
out against rrm."
"There's one fact alone," says Uncle Joshua, "that's
enough to satisfy me that things ain't right at head-
312 Reminiscences of the
quarters, and that is, the expenses of carrying on the
Government. About a dozen years ago, our Govern-
ment expenses was only thirteen or fourteen millions
of dollars a year, and now they've got up to between
thirty and forty millions a year. Now, Joel, you can't
make me believe that things is all right when money is
squandered away at that rate, and the people know
nothing about where it goes to."
Uncle Joshua run on in this way, and talked about
the Florida war and the sub-treasury, and sich like,
and said he thought it was time to try to have honest
men in the Government, till I begun to feel satisfied we
mustn't expect any more help from Uncle Joshua.
And, to be honest about it, Gineral, I'm really afraid
the jig is up with us; for I find Uncle Joshua ain't
alone in turning against the Government and coming
out for old Tip. I find sich ones all around in every
quarter. I was out electioneering 'tother day, and
coming along through Baldwin, the 4th of July, I met
a great crowd of people out a celebratin'. The road
was full- of 'em, marching along with their banners
and their mottoes, and one of 'em was in large printed
letters, " Isaac Dyer and Forty-two Others." And I
asked a chap what that meant, and he said Isaac Dyer
and forty-two others there used to be Jackson and
Van Buren men, but now had come out for old Tip.
You may depend upon it, Gineral, Dowingville is
§one as slick as a whistle, and I'm pesky afraid the
tate of Maine is gone tou. I think I shall be off soon
in sdme of the other States, and try my luck at elec-
tioneering there. I wish you would write to me and
let me know how you get along out West, and whether
the tide is going against us there too, but I wouldn't
send any more letters to the printers to publish, for I
don't think it helps us a long a mite.
I remain your old friend,
SARGENT JOEL DOWNING.
As showing how catching was the feeling to go for
Old Tippecanoe, it may be mentioned that three hun-
dred original Jackson men signed their names to a call
for a public meeting of the "Democratic" citizens of
Political Campaign of 1840. 313
Fairfield county, Ohio, which appeared in the Lancaster
Gazette of August 19, now before us, and at the great
gathering on the loth of September they marched under
a " Straight Out " banner, with many others of the same
sort. .At Cleveland, one hundred and fifty-eight voters
in the Herald renounced Van Burenism between the
first and the fifteenth of the month, and thus " the ball
went rolling on for Tippecanoe and Tyler too," and
the influence of Jackson and all other men could not
stay the torrent of condemnation of the Loco Foco
party.
WHIG MEETING.
GOVERNOR CALL, OF FLORIDA, AND J. L. SMITH, OF
ILLINOIS, AT PHILADELPHIA.
A portion of the Whigs of the city and county of
Philadelphia, amounting to about two thousand, as-
sembled at the Whig reading room, corner of Chest-
nut and Fifth streets, to hear that distinguished advo-
cate of our cause, General Call, ex-Governor of Florida.
Josiah Randall, Esq., was called to the chair.
It being expected that Captain Stockton would ad-
dress the meeting, Mr. Randall read the following
letter:
To the Chairman of Executive Committee:
GENTLEMEN: I am flattered by your invitation to ad-
dress the meeting to be held this evening, because there
is no portion of our fellow-citizens out of my own be-
loved State that it would give me more pleasure to
speak to.
No one can be more desirous to lend his aid than I
am to bring back the Government to the pure princi-
ples of Democracy, to regulate the banks, to restore a
sound mixed currency to the people as well as to the
Government, to protect our home industry, to give to
314 Reminiscences of the
the poor man the power of supporting his family, and
to enforce that noble doctrine of Mr. Jefferson, that a
man's claim for office should rest entirely upon the
answers to these questions: "Is he fit? Is he faith-
ful?" I must, however, be excused when I say that I
cannot attend your meeting. The unhappy condition
of New Jersey is such that I have no spirit to speak to
any other people but ber own. or to do anything ex-
cept within her territory. To speak to freemen, one
ought to be free himself — and I will not rest either
tongue or pen, or the sole of my feet, till New Jersey
is redeemed and disenthralled and restored to her for-
mer freedom. Your obedient servant,
R. F. STOCKTON.
Mr. Randall, in a brief speech, presented Governor
Call to the expectant crowd. The governor com-
menced by referiing to General Harrison's letter to
Vance, in which that hero and statesman avows the
principles by which, if elected, he will be governed !
ist. That he will serve but one term. 2d. That he will
exercise no control over the public treasury, except to
apply the appropriations as directed by Congress. 3d.
That his rule of appointments to office shall be: "Is he
honest ? Is he capable!" 4th. That in his dismissals
from office, the reasons, in all cases, shall be assigned.
5th. That he will not use his office for party purposes,
and will consider the interference of officers in elec-
tions sufficient ground for removal. 6th. That the ex-
ercise of the veto power will be confined to three
classes of bills; those evidently unconstitutional, those
infringing the rights of citizens, and those doubtful
bills whose vast importance will render a reference to
the people necessaiy. yth and last, though not the
least, of these cardinal maxims, that he will not inter-
fere in the deliberations of Congress. General Harri-
son guarantees the faithful execution of these promises
by pointing to his past life. If, said General Call, there
be a man present (and I doubt not there are many Van
Buren men as well as Whigs) who can point to any un-
constitutional act by General Harrison during his long
public life, let that man step forward and proclaim it;
Political Campaign of 1840. 315
but if he is silent now, let him forever hold his peace.
Now, my countrymen, fellow-citizens, measure Mr.
Van Buren by the same rule. Is he not directly op-
posed to every one of these glorious principles? Is he
not electioneering for a second term? Is he not grasp-
ing the public purse and exercising his discretion in
applying the appropriations? Examine each of these
principles and see if Mr. Van Buren is not in direct
opposition to them. And yet General Harrison is de-
nounced as a Federalist, and Mr. Van Buren applauded
as a Democrat.
When I charge the administration with interfering
in the elections, I am ready with the proof. During
the last summer the commanding general of the United
States Army was sent to Florida, not to make war upon
the savage foe, but to negotiate a peace. The treaty
was signed and a proclamation was issued that the war
was over, and that the inhabitants might return to their
desolate homes. The post-boy was yet bearing this
proclamation through the country, when the tomahawk
and scalping knife of the savages were employed in
butchering their unsuspecting enemies. Ten miles from
the Capital of the Territory the foe burnt the houses and
massacred the bodies of their defenseless victims. I
dispatched a committee of the most respectable citizens
to implore the President to give us his assistance, or at
least to allow me to lead an army against our enemies.
[Here the governor was interrupted with the most
deafening applause.] But the President and the Sec-
retary were absent from Washington. They were in
New York attending to [to them] more important ene-
mies. The committee pursued them, and at last caught
them [laughter and cheers] at Saratoga, amidst an ad-
miring crowd.
The President said he had no time to talk about Flor-
ida— come to Whitehall. To Whitehall the committee
went — come to Plattsburg. He was at last cornered,
and in reply to the entreaties of the committee, referred
them to the Secretary of War. That convenient refer-
ence said no! they would carry on the war in their own
way. In what way, my countrymen, that war has been
316 Reminiscences of the
carried on, let the wretched survivors of Indian Key
bear testimony.
It is impossible to give the language of the eloquent
orator, there being no regular reporter present, but the
effect was irresistible. The audience applauded, and
were silenced by an instant hush, so anxious were they
to catch every word. In conclusion, said Governor
Call, what is the great argument that Mr. Van Buren
addresses to the South? He is. a Northern man with
Southern principles. The South needs no Northern
man to sustain her principles, and she disdains a Chief
Magistrate who avows himself to be governed by any
sectional principles. Her principles are Constitutional
principles. If ever that dread day should come, when
she will be called upon to sustain her rights, she will
yield her life with the Constitution in one hand and her
arms in the other. A Northern man with Southern
principles! Southern principles are American princi-
ples. Who attacks the North attacks the South.
Should our country be called upon to sustain her rights
upon the Northwestern boundary question, the South
will battle for the Northern boundary beside the North.
Yes, if not as much soil is taken from our country as
will cover the bones of our dead, she will pour out her
dearest blood in its defense. If that territory be but
barren rocks, she will leave her bones to bleach upon
them rather than yield an inch to foreign aggression.
The governor continued in a most eloquent strain for
an hour and a half, frequently interrupted by the loud-
est applause. After he was seated, Mr. Randall intro-
duced Mr. J. L. Smith, of Illinois, formerly of Phila-
delphia, who exhorted the Whigs to imitate the son of
Carthagenian Hamilcar, who swore on the altar of his
country to oppose the enemies of his country until he
or they should be no more. Mr. Naylor being called
upon, expressed his gratification at the proceedings,
and thanked Governor Call for the instruction imparted
in his eloquent speech. — United States Gazette.
Political Campaign of 1840. 317
NEW YORK MERCHANTS' MEETING.
IMMENSE MEETING OF THE NEW YORK MERCHANTS,
IN FAVOR OF WHIG TICKETS AND PRINCIPLES.
One of the most important meetings of the cam-
paign, that of the business men of the great metropolis,
is worthy of being remembered as well by reason of the
prominent names connected with it as of its size and
effect upon the popular mind. We condense from a
lengthy report in the New York Express:
The number of persons present was variously esti-
mated, some going as high as 40,000, who took their ac-
counts when Mr. Webster first opened his address. A
count was made from the portico of the Exchange at a
quarter before 4 o'clock and 11,000 were counted. At
10 minutes before 3 o'clock, and a quarter after, the
same person states three times as many were present.
We have never before seen Wall street quite as
much decorated with beauty as it was on this occasion.
The stage from which Mr. Webster spoke was placed
at the corner of Wall and William streets. The crowd
of men stood up and down William and Wall streets
in a dense throng, as far as Mr. Webster's voice could
be heard. Almost every window was crowded with
ladies waving their handkerchiefs. The tops of build-
ing were full of spectators.
The shipping presented a beautiful appearance.
From the forest of masts for miles in extent flags of
every nation floated to the breeze. The day was de-
lightful.
This was a merchants' meeting, and what a contrast
in numbers, appearance, and every other thing of im-
portance did it present, when set off either with the
meager call of administration men, first published in
the Journal of Commerce, or when assembled on the
Exchange.
Mr. Webster spoke about two hours and a half.
Our readers will find a very full and accurate report of
318 Reminiscences of the
his remarks. He was listened to with profound atten-
tion throughout.
At a meeting of the merchants and traders of the
city of New York, disapproving the leading measures
of the administration, and opposed to the re-election
of Martin Van Buren, and in favor of the election of
Harrison and Tyler, held in pursuance of public no-
tice, in front of the Merchants' Exchange, on Monday,
the 28th of September,
W. W. Todd, Esq., called the meeting to order, and
on his motion, the following officers were chosen:
President: Jonathan Goodhue.
Vice-Presidents : Benjamin Strong, James Brown,
Edward G. Faile, David Lee, Jonathan Sturges, Stephen
Whitney, James G. King, John Haggerty, John Rath-
bone, Jr., G. P. Disosway, Charles H. Russell, John W.
Harris, John D. Wolfe, Abraham Fardon, William
Scott, Hugh Archineloss, James J. Van Alen, D. A.
Cushman, Thomas Brooks, D. W. C. Olyphant, John
P. Stagg, John A. Underwood, Henry A. Bogert, R.
H. Nevins, Peter I. Nevins, John Van Nostrand.
Secretaries: William H. Aspinwall, Augustin Aver-
ill, Thomas Williams, Jr., John Steward, Jr., E. P.
Heyer.
The Hon. Moses H. Grinnell then presented the fol-
lowing resolutions, which he enforced in a brief ad-
dress:
1. Resolved, That in the opinion of the merchants
and traders of New York here assembled, the existing
derangement in the financial and commercial affairs of
the country may be directly traced to the measure of
the National Government in its experiments, blindly
commenced and recklessly prosecuted, with the prom-
ise of a better currency, to the lamentable failure of
those experiments; and to the catastrophe which com-
pelled the repudiation of its legitimate powers, as the
only excuse to the people for the abandonment of its
Constitutional responsibilities.
2. Resolved, That a mixed currency, partly paper
and partly metallic, and' the use of credit are essential to
the prosperity of all commercial nations; and that to
Political Campaign of 1840. 319
these causes are due, in no small degree, the rapid pro-
gress which this country has made, altogether unex-
ampled in the history of mankind.
3. Resolved, That the power to regulate the currency
is granted by the Constitution of the United States to the
General Government; and that this power having been
recognized and exercised by successive administrations
from that of General Washington to that of General
Jackson, and confirmed by the Supreme Court of the
United States, its constitutionality cannot now be
questioned or denied.
4. Resolved, That the recommendation in Congress,
in a special message, by Mr. Van Buren, to subject all
banking incorporations to a national bankrupt law,
and thereby to regulate the currency, is an admission
of the constitutionality of the power and of the duty of
Government to exercise it
5. Resolved, That the use of the State deposit banks,
under a law passed during General Jackson's adminis-
tration, with a professed view, among other things, of
regulating the currency of the country, is also a direct
admission of the duty of Government in this respect.
6. Resolved, That it is a most important duty imposed
upon the National Government, and a fundamental
principle derived from the Constitution in the use of
the necessary power, that it shall so regulate the cur-
rency that it shall be safe, stable and uniform; not only
thereby to secure the collection, safekeeping and
convenient disbursement of the public revenues, but
from the vital necessity of such currency to the pros-
perity of commerce, manufactures, agriculture, the
mechanic arts and the dailv transactions of life.
7. Resolved, That the sub-treasury scheme tends to
concentrate the whole money power in the hands of
the executive, and that it may be used, by a weak and
wicked executive, to break down all sound banking in-
stitutions, and the commerce and trade of any and
every part of the country at its will.
13. Resolved, That the merchants and traders of New
York continue an unabated, hearty opposition to the
present administration, to its war upon State credit, to
320 Reminiscences of the
its sub-treasury, to its financial schemes, to its conduct
of the Florida war, to its plan for an unconstitutional
standing army, to its increase of patronage, to its fear-
ful proscription for opinions sake, to its squandering of
the public revenue, to its defaulting agents, to its
attempt to array the poor against the rich, to its en-
couragement given to the avowers of agrarian and
other disorganizing doctrines, to its reduction of the
price of labor, to its neglect of the currency, and finally
to its general incompetency at home and abroad; and
we, therefore, pledge ourselves to use every honorable
exertion to secure the election of William Henry Har-
rison and-John Tyler, as President and Vice-President
of these United States.
14. Resolved, That we cordially respond to the
unanimous nomination of those tried servants of the
people, William H. Seward and Luther Bradish, and
that we will contribute by our strenuous efforts to their
re-election, and are confident of an overwhelming ma-
jority, and,
15. Whereas, during the administration of Wash-
ington, commerce was fostered and protected, the
rights of property carefully guarded, the currency
wisely regulated, and the foundations broadyl laid of
national prosperity; and, whereas the merchants and
traders of New York yield to none in admiration
of his character, therefore,
Resolved, That we look with indignation and scorn
on the late and present administration to disparage the
fame and dishonor the character, by questioning the
motives of the Father of his country. " His is that
name which an American may utter with pride in ev-
ery part of the world; and which, wherever uttered, is
shouted to the skies by every true lover of liberty; and,
until time shall be no more, a test of progress, which
the human race has made in wisdom and virtue, will
be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal
name of Washington. "
Resolved, That the following persons, viz : Robert
B. Minturn, Pelatiah Perit, Henry R. Bogart, George
S. Robbins and Daniel S. Miller be appointed a com-
Political Campaign of 1840. 321
mittee on behalf of this meeting to carry out the
foregoing resolutions, with power to add to their
number.
The resolutions being read, the Hon. Daniel Web-
ster addressed the meeting.
The question being put on the resolutions, they were
unanimously adopted, and the proceedings, signed by
the president and secretary, were ordered to be
printed, and the meeting adjourned.
WEBSTER IN NEW YORK.
DANIEL WEBSTER REPELS SLANDER AT THE GREAT
MERCHANTS' MEETING.
You'll be addressed to-morrow by a gentleman of
high talent, a distinguished supporter of the adminis-
tration, one of the most distinguished, certainly, in that
portion of the councils of the nation to which I belong.
He'll not say, but others will say for him — it will be
said — and all the papers, friendly to the administration,
ivill say, " Don't believe Webster, that old aristocrat;
you can't believe anything that he says."
Now, my friends, it would be very strange if I, who
have grown up among the people, and, as it were, of
the people, should at any time of life take a fancy to
aristocracy! I have plowed, and sowed, and reaped
the acres that were my father's, and that now are mine.
By the aid of those valuable institutions, public schools,
and the guidance and assistance of the best of parents,
I was enabled to get such an education as fitted me to
come to the bar; I have been some time in public life,
I never held an office in the course of that life, except
such an one as came directly from the bestowment
of the people; I have had no money out of the pub-
lic Treasury, except the pay as a member of Con-
gress; I have no family relations — no one in any way
21
322 Reminiscences of the
or shape — nothing with blood of mine flowing in their
veins that ever held an office or touched a cent of the
public money. [Cheers.]
After all this I shall still be told that I am an aristo-
crat. Very well. Prove it. If I am one I am quite
false to my origin and connections as well as to my
nature. But I ask for the proof. Look at my votes in
Congress. What right of the people have I voted
away ? By what vote of mine in the people's councils
of the country am I to be proved an aristocrat ?
I do not come here, however, to speak of men,
(much less of myself), but of principles, and therefore
what such men as I am are is comparatively unimpor-
tant. It has indeed happened to me to be in Congress
for many vears. If in the course of that time I have
done anything that is worthy of approbation it was
done in the exigency of peculiar events, when I
thought the Constitution was in danger, and when I
thought it was my duty to uphold it.
My prejudices for one set of men and another set
of men never made me cease to defend that glori-
ous Constitution which our fathers obtained by a
miracle and which has flourished by a miracle ever
since.
And yet I shall go for a very bad aristocrat. And
echo will tell in a thousand ways, from Brooklyn t?
Montauk Point, that Mr. Webster is a sad old aristo-
crat and knows nothing of Democracy, and particu-
larly of the Democracy of this country.
On the other hand, our opponents know Suffolk
well; they study it; they know that it was distinguished
in the Revolution for its stern Democracy, tried and
proved. They remember that it produced the L'Hom-
medieus and the Floyds, and the Smiths and Joneses,
and they'll all come down here to-morrow as the Phar-
isees came of old with their phylacteries, and the
garbs of Democracy, and the word •' Democracy,"
" Democracy," " Democracy," which occurs as often
among them as " ditto," " ditto," " ditto," in a trades-
man's bill. [Laughter and cheers.]
Now all I have to say to you, my friends, is, look at
Political Campaign of 1840. 323
facts! Words are cheap — promises are easy and cost
nothing. But there is an old adage among the farmers
that " fine words butter no parsnips." [Laughter.]
I claim no more patriotism than others, but I claim
just as much. Have I no stake in this fair inheritance
of our common country? Don't I wish to go down to
my grave with my full share of its honors and its
glories? Have I no interest or desire to protect what
I have, that it may descend unblemished to my children
and to my children's children? [Here Mr. Webster's
voice changed very perceptibly, and he was much af-
fected and labored with strong feelings.] The man
that says that I am an aristocrat, is a liar/ [Tremen-
dous cheering.]
I may be mistaken. I may err. I submit to the judg-
ment of those who can see more clearly than myself
when I am at fault. But the man that will not meet
me fairly with argument, and uses idle and abusive
declamation instead, and then will not come wichin
the reach of my. arm, is not only a liar but a coward !
In common with many others, I think it necessary to
change the administration. I don't mean to call names.
It is not my habit to attack persons. I leave that to
those who feel ill-natured. I discuss principles; and
at this moment [alluding to the news from Maine]
I feel particularly good natured.
I have no galled withers. I have nothing to fear;
but, on the contrary, am hopeful of everything.
[Cheers.] I don't want to triumph in what is called
the prospects of our party in the coming election.
That election is settled already.
I desire to put it upon this issue — that if the measures
of the present administration have been Democratic,
support them; if not, do not do so. But do not take
names for things, and professions for principles. Bv
Democratic measures, I mean such as the good old
Democrats of past times would have supported. Such
measures as Chancellor Livingston would have sup-
ported; such as Mr. Jefferson would have supported;
such as Virginia, the old pure school of Democracy,
would have supported. Such measures I advise you
324 Reminiscences of the
to support. But examine and inquire well for your-
selves, and decide as you find.
The Democratic head of this Democratic Govern-
ment passed the sub-treasury bill. Was this by a law
of Congress or a law of the executive ? In 1837 when
Mr. Van Buren proposed this measure, there was no
one in Congress in favor of it. It was not liked, and
got very little support. Well, he held out four suc-
cessive sessions of Congress; his measure belongs to
the important question of how best to keep all the
public money; and yet with this important subject,
and executive influence, and the fatiguing drill of four
sessions, it only at last got into the House of Repre-
sentatives. And what was done then ? It lay there
for three months; at last it passed; and out of 250
members (I believe that's the number) who voted for
it, they didn't alter a word or syllable — they didn't, as
we say in common parlance, dot an i or cross a t.
Well, it was passed. And I'll venture to say that
even the Parliament of Paris, in the ten years that pre-
ceded the Revolution, never passed an edict so com-
pletely submissive to royal authority as did the House
of Representatives by passing the sub-treasury bill
conform to executive authority.
How very Democratic this conduct was! The peo-
ple choose members of Congress to make laws; as
they pass just as the President wishes them to pass.
And I, who complain of this course of procedure, am
an aristocrat, and not to be believed!
Now, if the regular increase of executive influence
be Democratic, then by all means go for a renewal of
Mr. Van Buren's term. He'll give you enough of that,
[Laughter.] Why, as things are now, the office-hold-
ers can't live or breathe but as they conform to the
desires of their superiors. And yet the Constitution
under which we live says that he has no superior. Is
not this, then, a gross attempt to fetter the free minds
of a free people ? They give a man an office and say
he is no longer a free agent. What shameful perver- •
sion of Democracy.
And now let us see how it is with respect to the
Political Campaign of 1840. 325
augmentation of the number of office-holders. Is it the
present administration that extends the number ? Take
the custom-house of the city of New York as a crite-
rion. I won't go to Illinois or to Michigan to the land
offices there, because you can't easily see and examine
for yourselves. But take your own great city, and
take the published official documents and you'll see
that the custom-house officers are double in number to
what they used to be. Where there were 100, now
there are 200; for 200 there are 1,000. And what is all
this increase for? It can't be because they are wanted
to attend to the legitimate business of the custom-house;
because there were not half the number when the du-
ties were much greater. Very well, then, they must
be wanted for an illegitimate purpose. [Laughter.]
Now, as to the expenses of the Government, we all
know that in Adams' time $13,000,000 a year was the
most that was spent. The expenses then never aver-
aged that sum. Now, at the close of 1837, they were
run up to $39,000,000! I don't say that this is conclu-
sive that the Government has been wasteful and extrav-
agant. There has been occasion this year for extraor-
dinary expenditures. We have a Florida war which
Adams had not. And in my opinion, if he had been
in office, we never should have had it.
Here, then, are the facts. They complain that
Adams' administration vvas wasteful and profligate, be-
cause it spent nearly $13,000,000. Now, then, call on
them to say why they spend nearly $39,000,000. It's a
case that calls for an account — a strict and correct one
— and they ought to render it.
To recur a moment to the custom-house of New
York. The expenses now are three-fold more than
they were in Jonathan Thompson's time. Inquire how
this is, and obtain a full and satisfactory answer, and
then ponder over it. It does not appear like that truly
stern economy which should characterize a Democratic
Government.
A recent governor of this commonwealth, in his
place in the Senate, expressed the true feelings of his
heart and jthose of his party when, flushed with the tri-
326 Reminiscences of Ike
umphs of victor}', he was justifying the removal of
every one from office that was opposed to his party
and measures. He then made use of that remarkably
characteristic explosion, '• Do not the spoils of victory
belong to the conqueror?"
This is applied to the party that seizes on all the of-
fices and turns out all that differ from them when they
obtain the victory. Is that Democratic? Are the of-
fices merely made to be sported with in this way? Are
offices made for mere adventurers? Is that the spirit
of the Constitution of this free country?
In a word, is that Democratic? Stick to the old text.
Is not the Government instituted for the good of the
people ? Should not a government be checked so as to
possess no more power than good people require ?
Should a government have any moie money at com-
mand than is absolutely necessary for its simplest
wants? All this used to be Democratic.
But take a view of what the present Government
calls Democracy. Why you may look for a descrip-
tion of it in all the books from the primer to the En-
glish reader, run the range of the whole vocabulary,
and you'll not find a word about it in all the good old
Democratic schools.
Then keep to this. Are the measures of the present
administration Democratic? Why, the leading meas-
ure and the only measure is the sub-treasury. From
alpha to omega it's all " sub-treasury," " sub-treasury,"
" sub-treasury." And its echoes have not ceased and
will not cease till the administration go out of office.
It puts one in mind of Orpheus going to seek Eury-
dice, u Eurydice the woods, Eurydice the floods, Eury-
dice, the rocks and hollow mountains rang." With our
Government it is, " Sub-treasury the woods, sub-treas-
ury the floods, sub-treasury the rocks and hollow moun-
tains ring." [Immense cheering and tumultuous laugh-
tar.]
Political Campaign of 1840. 327
MEETINGS IN SEPTEMBER.
FROM THE GRANITE MOUNTAINS TO THE GULF ALL
TIP'S BOYS IN MOTION.
The battle of Lake Erie was celebrated in grand style
on the loth of September, at Erie, Pennsylvania, by
the Keystone Tippecanoes. September 6 there was
another grand rally at Monument Square, Baltimore,
Maryland.
The friends of Harrison and Tyler had a huge con-
vention at Harrisburg, Pa., on the i3th of September.
Over seventy -five thousand freemen assembled at Syra-
cuse, N. Y., on the i6th, who were addressed by Gen-
eral Wilson, of New Hampshire, and Tallmadge and
Hoffman, of New York, greatly to the delight of the
people.
A State convention and festival of the friends of
Harrison and reform was held at Hagerstown, Md., on
the i6th, which was a regular love feast.
The three days' meeting at Dayton, Ohio, commenc-
ing on the loth of September, the anniversary of
Perry's victory, will long be remembered as one of the
grandest conventions ever assembled in Ohio. The
one hundred thousand people were addressed by Gen-
eral Harrison, Henry Clay, Tom Corwin. " The Wagon
Boy," Harry Southgate, and many other distinguished
orators.
On the iSth of September, at Lancaster, Pa., was
the greatest gathering of people that had ever been
known in that hospitable city. Such processions,
with banners and streamers, and canoes, and log cab-
ins and other devices, surpassed anything in this part
of the country. Charles Stephens, Penrose and Reed,
and many other eminent speakers addressed the vast
concourse.
At the great Harrison and reform convention at
Wheeling, W. Va., on the 3d of September, the extreme
right of the procession was occupied by over three
328 Reminiscences of the
hundred who had denounced Van Burenand marched
under the banner — uStraightouts ! "
At Staunton Va., on the ^oth, there was a grand con-
vention, which was eloquently addressed by B. W.
Leigh, James Lyon, Bailee Peyton, John H. Pleasants,
H. Rhodes, W. Robertson, J. M. Wickham, H. L.
Brook. S. S. Baxter, L. W. Chamberlayne, W. R.
Gratton.
At Salsbury, Somerset county, Md. , there was a
rousing Whig meeting on September 23.
The Whig State convention at Baton Rouge, Lou-
isiana, on the 28th, was addressed by Hon. Sergeant S.
Prentiss and others. The Tippecanoe club of Missis-
sippi was there in great numbers. The enthusiasm
was great.
WEBSTER IN VIRGINIA.
THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION AT RICHMOND, OCTOBER
5, 1840 — MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH BEFORE THE
CONVENTION AND THE LADIES IN THE LOG CABIN.
The convention held at Richmond on Monday last,
— the never-to-be-forgotten fifth of October — will
take a place in the foremost rank of those great gath-
erings of the people which have distinguished the
present year
The day — the memorable anniversary of the battle
of the Thames — was ushered in by a national salute
from artillery in the Capitol square; and as early as
sunrise the stir and bustle of preparation began. The
different delegations with their flags, banners, and in-
signia, marched to their respective places of rendez-
vous, and, accompanied by fine bands playing martial
or patriotic airs, gave great animation to the streets.
The procession formed in Maine street and it extended
about a mile and a half. This wide and continuous
Political Campaign of 1840. 329
street was admirably fitted to show the procession to
advantage, and the houses consequently were filled
with those who were eager to enjoy the splendid
spectacle. Throughout the whole line of march the
procession was hailed with demonstrations of the
most fervent enthusiasm on all sides. All seemed to
enter into the spirit of the hour, and if there were
those who did not sympathize heartily with the scene
they kept their sentiments to their own bosoms, or
were carried beyond themselves and participated for
the time in the general feeling. Every window, every
doorway, every point that commanded a view of the
procession, was occupied by ladies, who showed by
their plaudits and waving of handkerchiefs, and mini-
ature banners, that their whole souls too were in the
holy cause of the people against the opposers of the
people, and if they had suffrages they would be given
on the side of " Harrison and reform," and in opposi-
tion to this corrupt, imbecile and blundering adminis-
tration. A triumphal arch of shrubs and flowers had
been thrown quite across the street, having at each end
a pendent flag bearing sonle appropriate inscriptions;
and as the delegates passed under, the most rapturous
and inspiring cheers arose from bevies of beauties on
either side. •
The spot selected for the meeting of the convention
was the noble and extensive area, on old Shockoe Hill,
in front of the Capitol; and no city in the world can
present a place better suited for such purposes. The
facade of the Capitol was tastefully adorned with
flowers and evergreens; elegant wreaths hung from
every pillar, and in the midst names of those glorious
fields in which Harrison had won so much renown
while his achievements shed so much luster on his coun-
try's arms, shone out conspicuously "Tippecanoe,"
"The Thames," etc. Over all the national ensign
floated to the breeze. The most excellent arrangements
had been made for the accommodation of the speakers,
the invited guests, the ladies and the public generally.
About 12 o'clock the procession entered the square,
and the different delegations were conducted to the
330 Reminiscences of the
places assigned to them with an order and harmony
which reflected the highest credit on the marshals, as it
called out the approbation of all who witnessed the ad-
mirable results of their skill and efficiency. The ban-
ners of the different counties and States were success-
ively hoisted up to the colonnade of the Capitol, and
placed in full view of the assemblage, who hailed the
sight of them with loud cheering. When that of Maine
was recognized, the applause was peculiarly long and
loud, but it was nothing to the earnest enthusiasm with
which the old time-worn banner that had been borne-
by Captain Spencer's company at the battle of the
Maumee, pierced with many a bullet, and slashed by
the tomahawk, was presented to the gaze of the meet-
ing. Several other old banners and ensigns, associated
with the Revolutionary events, and with the triumphs
of our countrymen in the War of Independence, were
hoisted, and among them a banner of 1776, belonging
to the old Alexandria Rifle Corps.
The spectacle presented to us on the pavilion that
had been fitted up for the officers and speakers, was
one of the most magnificent* that cnn be imagined. In
the area below there were at least ten thousand — some
say fifteen thousand persons — assembled. The dense
mass of good Whigs of our own sex in fhe center was
flanked by galleries of beauty, and of true, sincere, and
devoted Whigism, too, of the fairer portion of our
species. Then there was the town between us and the
shining river; and a lovely, rich, undulating country
beyond, extending as far as the eye could reach — bask-
ing under bright skies and a clear and inspiring atmos-
phere— and over the whole thrown a halo of poetic,
historical and patriotic associations, with the glory and
freshness of the scenes, which were then to be enacted
before us. It is but feeble and halting praise that we
can, by any words of ours, bestow on our fair allies of
Richmond, but we are sure that the impression produced
by the lovely forms, the bright eyes, and charming
faces that gave such luster to the Capitol and its pre-
cincts, will not soon pass away from the men of sense
and feeling, who composed the convention.
Political Campaign of 1840. 331
The convention was organized by the appointment
of Ex-Governor James Barbour, of Orange, as presi-
dent, the Whig electors who happend to be present,
as vice-presidents, and Beverly Tucker, Esq., and
James M. Garnett, Esq., as secretaries. Governor Bar-
bour on taking the chair, addressed the convention in
the easy, flowing, and felicitous manner for which he
is distinguished.
I i compliance with the invitation of the committee
of arrangements, a meeting of the clergy of Rich-
mond had been held in the Capitol, in the morning.
These reverend gentlemen had appointed two of their
number to perform their sacred offices, when required,
during the sitting of the convention. Accordingly,
after the president's address, the Rev. Mr. Palmer
came forward and offered a brief but earnest and ap-
propriate prayer to the Divine Benignity.
Benjamin vVatkins Leigh, E>q., then appeared, and,
after a few eloquent remarks, read an address to the
people of Virginia, which was unanimously adopted.
The cry now arose on all sides, " Webster, Webster! "
It had been the wish of Mr. Webster and his friends
that he should not be called on to speak until Tuesday.
He had undergone great exertion for weeks previous,
and was suffering from the effects of a severe cold.
But the impatience of the people to see and hear him
could not be controlled. The call was loud and universal.
He answered it with promptness, and with the spirit
and energy which he seems to have ever at command
to meet any emergency, however unexpected.
He appeared and was introduced by the president
amidst the loudest and most enthusiastic acclamations,
the buzzes being mingled with cries of "Welcome'
welcome!" "Three cheers again for him!" "God
bless you! " etc.
When the applause subsided, Mr. Webster began a
speech, which, considering the time and circumstances,
will be regarded as one of the best-judged and most
admirably conceived and most exquisitely finished pro-
ductions of his great mind. It was characterized
throughout by a dignity of tone, a power of thought, and
332 Reminiscences of the
beauty and force of diction, which won the reluctant ad-
miration even of his political opponents, and more than
justified all that his most encomiastic friends had led
the public to expect. It was, from beginning to end,
the very opposite of rhetorical sophistry — solid, sub-
stantial and energetic; and even in those passages
where the high argumentation was enlivened and en-
forced by passionate and overwhelming eloquence, a
manifest and profound feeling of truth, sincerity and
honesty, forked the fulminations of his oratory. If we
are to judge from the impressions made upon his au-
dience, never was there a more successful speech. The
philosophic statesmen of Virginia, and the plainest and
most untutored denizens of that State, equally admitted
that they never were more instructed, delighted, or an-
imated to patriotic, steady, and perserving exertion,
by any speech irom any public man.
We have not room for a full report. We cannot,
however, pass over some of the most striking passages.
His allusion to those amiable persons who are so very
considerate of their reputation and his reputation as to
think it a great breach of propriety in him to have gone
to Richmond, or to be invited there, was received with
loud laughter and cheering and cries of ''Welcome!
welcome!" "If," said he, "there be any question or
questions on which you and I differ in opinion, those
questions are not to be the topics of discussion to-day.
No! We are not quite soft enough for such an oper-
ation as that. [Laughter.] We are battling together
in the face of a common enemy; we are armed to the
teeth, putting forth as manv hands as Briareus, and
with each hand dealing him all the blows we can; and
does he imagine that at such a moment we shall be
carrying on our family controversies? That we are go-
ing to give ourselves those blows which are due to him?
No; he is the enemy of our country; we mean to pur-
sue him till we bring him to capitulation or to flight;*
and when we have done that, if there are any differ-
ences of opinion among us, we will try to settle them
ourselves, without his advice or assistance [laughter],
and we will settle them in a spirit of conciliation and
Political Campaign of 1840. 333
mutual kindness. If we do differ in any of our views
we must settle that difference not in a spirit of exasper-
ation, but with moderations, with forbearance, in a
spirit of amity and brotherhood."
The most striking passage in his speech, unquestion-
ably, was that :n which he referred to the subject
which so deeply interests the whole South. " There
is," said Mr. Webster, " one perpetual outcry in all
the administration papers from Baltimore south, ad-
monishing the people of the South, that their own
State governments and the property they hold under
them, are not secure if they admit a Northern man to
any considerable share in the administration of the
Government. You all know that that is the general
cry. Now I have spoken my sentiments in the neigh-
borhood of Virginia, though not actually within the
State, in June last, and again in the heart of Massa-
chusetts in July, so that it is not now that I proclaim
them for the first time; but ten years ago, when obliged
to speak on the same subject, I uttered the same senti-
ment in regard to slavery and to the absence of .all
power in Congress to interfere, in anv manner what-
ever, with that subject. I delivered my sentiments
fully in Alexandria in the month of June, and in July
at Worcester, in Massachusetts. I shall ask some
friend connected with the press to circulate in Virginia
what I said on this subject in the Senate of the United
States on the 3Oth of January last. I have nothing to
add or subtract from what I then said. I commend it
to your attention, or rather I desire you to read
it. I hold that Congress is absolutely precluded
from interfering in any manner, direct or indirect,
with this, as with anv other of the institutions of the
South."
Now the cheering was so loud and long continued
that Mr. Webster was interrupted for several minutes.
One sonorous voice was heard above the other expres-
sions of approbation, exclaiming, " We are here from
Maryland to Louisiana; repeat that sentiment and we
will tell it to our neighbors at home ! Repeat! Re-
peat!"
334 Reminiscences of the
" Well," exclaimed Mr. Webster, in trumpet notes
that seemed to be echoed back from the whole country
around, " I do repeat — proclaim it on the wings of
the winds — tell it to all your friends. [Cries of " We
will ! we will ! "] Tell it, I say, that, standing here in
the Capitol of Virginia, beneath an October sun, in the
midst of this assemblage, before the entire country and
upon all the responsibility which belongs to me, I say
that there is no power directly or indirectly in Congress
or the General Government to interfere in the slightest
degree with the institutions of the South."
The cheering was renewed, and several voices cried
and repeated, " That gives two thousands votes more for
Harrison."
"And now," added Mr. Webster, "I ask you to do
me only one favor. Carry that paper home. Read it;
read it to your neighbors, and when you hear the
question, " Shall Daniel Webster, the Abolitionist, pro-
fane the soil of Virginia." Here the orator was inter-
rupted by the most cordial shouts of applause that we
ever heard. Every hat and every handkerchief was
waved in the air- -the chorus of cheering being led by
the most distinguished men of Virginia, who seemed
to vie with each other in reprobating the foul and in-
famous slander. "Welcome! welcome! Heaven bless
you, Webster! Huzza! We scorn their abuse of you! "
etc., etc., etc., burst from the thousands before him. A
more exciting scene was never presented; and his chok-
ing voice, and burning tear drop that gathered in his
eye, and trickled slowly down his pale cheek, showed
how deeply the orator himself was moved.
We add two important passages as reported by the
Richmond Whig, to give our readers some notion of
this masterly speech.
After Mr. Webster finished, the convention took a
temporary adjournment for dinner. A bountiful lunch
had been prepared in the Capitol for those who did not
choose to retire, and all were made freely welcome.
Every house of every Whig was, besides, thrown
widely open, and all the luxuries of the season were
presented to the visitors in the greatest profusion.
Political Campaign of 1840. 335
At 4 o'clock the people — emphatically, we say — the
people assembled again after rational and moderate
enjoyment. A platform had been erected on the north
side of the Capitol; and there Mr. Archer and Mr.
John Campbell, late Treasurer of the United States,
addressed the people in speeches which engaged their
attention to the last. Some of the crowd, too, who had
not heard Mr. Webster in the morning, felt their disap-
pointment so keenly that they could not rest till they
had him out again, and hearing he was within hail
they called for him. He obeyed the call, and ad-
dressed them briefly with wonderful power and elo-
quence.
In other parts of the square Mr. John Hill, a high-
spirited and talented representative of the old common-
wealth, and other gentlemen, addressed the people in
the course of the afternoon.
When the shades of the evening fell, the Capitol
facade was illuminated, and the speaking was con-
tinued. Mr. Botts made a most instructive and pow-
erful speech, which was listened to with the closest at-
tention. He was followed by several gentlemen ; among
them Mr. Skinner, late postmaster at Baltimore; Mr.
Snowden, of Alexandria; and Mr. Duncan, of Louis-
iana.
In the meantime meetings were held at other places.
The log cabin was filled to overflowing, and Mr. Leigh
made a speech of singular ability and eloquence. In
different parts of the city little squads were assembled
and if we could collect all the flowers of fancy and all
the confiscations of wit, and sallies of humor, which
were produced even in our presence, our paper would
indeed be to-day a most brilliant and valuable one.
On Tuesday, at 10 o'clock, the convention reassem-
bled in the area on the south side of the Capitol, and
Mr. Wm. C. Rives addressed the people in a speech of
more than three hours' length, with all the eloquence
and spirit which make him so interesting and power
ful as a public speaker. After he had finished, there
was a short recess; and again the people met, and were
addressed by Governor Barbour. He was followed by
336 Reminiscences of the
a number of other gentlemen, and the speaking was
continued until after midnight.
While these proceedings were going on in the Cap-
itol square, some of the delegations that had been
detained on their way to the convention arrived; and
having' been deprived of the opportunity of hearing
Mr. Webster, they waited on him at the house of a
distinguished gentleman, whose hospitality he was
enjoying. He promptly appeared, and responded to
their hearty greetings, in one of the most fervent,
impassioned, and effective speeches that ever fell from
human lips. He concluded with a promise that he
would meet them in the log cabin in the evening. He
did so; and there again he made a speech, which is
represented by many who heard it, in whose judgment
we confide, to have been fully equal to his speech at
the Capitol, for the intellectual power it displayed,
and peculiarly distinguished for that faculty of high,
earnest and pathetic eloquence which he can so read-
ily command.
MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH TO THE LADIES IN THE
LOG CABIN.
LADIES: I am very sure I owe the pleasure I now
enjoy to your kind disposition, which has given me
the opportunity to present my thanks and my respects
to you thus collectively, since the shortness of my stay
in the city does not allow me the happiness of calling
upon you severally and individually. And, in the first
place, I wish to express to you my deep and hearty
thanks, as I have endeavored to do to your fathers, your
husbands, and your brothers, for the unbounded hospi-
tality I have received ever since I came among you.
It is registered, I assure you, on a grateful heart in
chapters of an enduring nature. The rough contests
of the political world are not suited to the dignity and
to the delicacy of your sex; but you possess the intel-
ligence to know how much of that happiness which
you are entitled to hope for, both for yourselves and
for your children, depends on the right administration
of good government, and a proper tone of public
Political Campaign of 1840. 337
morals. That is a subject on which the moral percep-
tions of woman are both quicker and juster than those
of the other sex. I do not now speak of the adminis-
tration of government whose object is merely the
protection of industry, the preservation of civil liberty
and the securing of enterprise its due reward. I speak
of government in a somewhat higher point of view.
We live in an age distinguished for great benevolent
exertion, in which the affluent are consecrating the
means they possess by endowing colleges and acad-
emies, by uniting to build churches and support the
cause of religion, and by establishing athenasums, Iv-
ceums, and all other modes of popular instruction.
This is all well; it is admirable; it augurs well for the
prospect of ensuing generations. But I have some-
times thought that there is a point of view in which gov-
ernment is to be considered; I mean in its power and
its duty to augment the morals of the community and
to inspire it with just sentiments of religion, which is
too often overlooked.
A popular government is more powerful than any
other influence (and I have sometimes feared than all
other influences put together) in its action on the mor-
als of the community for good or for evil. Its example,
its tone, whether of respect or of disrespect to moral ob-
ligation, is most important to human happiness, because
it is among those things which most affect the political
morals of mankind, and hence their general morals
also. I advert to this, because there has been put forth
in modern times the false maxim that there is one mor-
ality for politics and another morality for other things;
that in their political conduct to their opponents men
may say and do that which they would never think of
saying or doing in the personal relations of a private
life. There has been openly announced a maxim
which I consider as the very concrete of false morality,
which declares that " all is fair in politics." If a man
speaks falsely or calumniously of his neighbor and is
reproached for the offense, the ready excuse is this: It
was in relation to public and political matters; I cher-
ished no personal ill-will whatever against that indi-
22
338 Reminiscences of the
vidual, but quite the contrary; I spoke of my adver-
sary merely as a political man. In my opinion the day
is coming when falsehood will stand for falsehood and
calumny will be treated as a breach of the commandment,
whether it be committed politically or in the concerns
of private life. It is by the promulgation of sound
morals in the community, and more especially by the
training and instructions of the young that woman per-
forms her part towards the preservation of a free gov-
ernment. It is now generally admitted that public
liberty, the perpetuity of a free constitution, rests on
the virtue and intelligence of the community which en-
joys it. How is that virtue to be inspired, and how is
that intelligence to be communicated ? Bonaparte once
asked Madam De Stael in what manner he could most
promote the happiness of France. Her reply was full
of political wisdom. She said, '• Instruct the mothers
of the French people." Because the mothers are
the affectionate and effective teachers of the human
race.
The mother begins this process of'training with the
infant in her arms. It is she who directs, so to speak,
its first mental and spiritual pulsations. She conducts
it along the impressible years of childhood and of youth ;
and hopes to deliver it to the rough contests and tumul-
tuous scenes of life, armed by those good principles
which her ^hild has first received from maternal care
and love.
If we draw within the circle of our contemplation
the mothers of a civilized nation, what do we see ?
We behold so many artificers working, not on frail and
perishable matter, but on the immortal mind, molding
and fashioning beings who are to exist forever. We
applaud the artist whose skill and genius present the
mimic man upon the canvas; we admire and celebrate
the sculptor who works out that same image in endur-
ing marble; but how insignificant are these achieve-
ments, though the highest and fairest in all the depart-
ments of art, in comparison with the great vocation
of human mothers. They work not upon the canvas
that shall fail, or the marble that shall crumble into
Political Campaign of 1840. 339
dust; but upon mind, upon spirit which is to last
forever, and which is to bear, for good or for evil,
throughout its duration, the impress of a mother's plas-
tic hand.
I have already expressed the opinion, which all
allow to be correct, that our security for the duration
of the free institutions which bless our country depends
upon the habits of virtue and the prevalence of knowl-
edge and of education. The feelings are to be disci-
plined, the passions are to be restrained, true and
worthy motives are to be inspired, a profound relig-
ious feeling is to be instilled, and pure morality incul-
cated under all circumstances. All this is comprised
in education. Mothers who are faithful to this great
duty will tell their children that neither in political nor
in any other concerns of life can man ever withdraw
himself from the perpetual obligations of conscience
and of duty; that in every act, whether public or private,
he incurs a just responsibility, and that in no condition
is he warranted in trifling with important rights and
obligations. They will impress upon their children
the truth, that the exercise of the elective franchise is
a social duty of as solemn a nature as man can be
called to perform; that a man may not innocently trifle
with his vote, that every true elector is a trustee as
well for others as himself, and that every man and
every measure he supports has an important bearing
on the interests of others as well as his own. It is in
the inculcation of high and pure morals such as these
that in a free republic woman performs her sacred
duty and fulfills her destiny The French, as you know,
are remarkable for their fondness of sententious
phrases, in which much meaning is condensed into a
small space. I noticed lately on the title page of one
of the books of popular instruction in France, this
motto: "Pour instruction on the heads of the people;
you owe them that baptism." And certainly, if there
be anv duty which oiay be described by a reference to
that great institute of religion, a duty approaching it
in importance, perhaps next to it in obligation, it is
this.
340 Reminiscences of the
I know you hardly expect me to address you on the
popular political topics of the day. You read enough
— you hear quite enough on those subjects. You ex-
pect me only to meet you and to tender my profound
thanks for this marked proof of your regard, and will
kindly receive the assurances with which I tender
to you, on parting, my affectionate respects and best
wishes.
MEETING AT AUBURN, N. Y.
HON. WILLIAM C. RIVES, OF VIRGINIA, AND HON.
HUGH S. LEGARE, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, ELO-
OJJENTLY ADDRESS THE PEOPLE OF NEW YORK,
AT AUBURN, ON THE 5TH OF OCTOBER.
The following is the notice of the organization of the
convention:
At 1 1 o'clock on Thursday morning, the convention
met at the Baptist chapel. General Tallmadge was
appointed president pro tern.; Mr. Romeyn, 'of Ulster
county, made a good and appropriate speech, pointing
out the propriety and beauty of the attendance of ladies
at these meetings. Gen. Pierre Van Cortlandt (one
of Jefferson's electors) was chosen president of the
convention, and the meeting adjourned to a good din-
ner at the American hotel, which was washed down
with champagne, and the convention met again on the
green in front of the Theological Seminary, at half
past one.
This seminary is situated at one extremity of the vil-
lage on a beautiful knoll of rising ground, with a very
large green before it. At the extremity of the green,
and facing the college, a large platform was erected
for the Revolutionary soldiers (many of whom were
there), the officers of the meeting, the speakers and the
reporters. About forty long benches were constructed
Political Campaign of 1840. 341
out of rough planks for the ladies, all of which were
filled with some of the most lovely women in the coun-
try. All the trees around the green were filled, and in
every window of the college there were dozens of
young ladies, all anxious to see and to hear Mr. Rives
and Mr. Legare. There must have been, at half past
one o'clock, not less than 5,000 persons present.
GEN. VAN CORTLANDT.
We have assembled to discuss those principles of
government — principles which have been subverted to
the purposes of the present administration. We have
assembled as our Revolutionary fathers did, to discuss
the merits of the stamp act and tea tax; and have as-
sembled to present these principles of our faith which
should be held sacred — and I have risen here to present
to you our distinguished fellow-citizens from another
State.
We have seen the effect of some of the measures of
the administration at Washington, and it is high time,
my fellow-citizens, that the Augean stable there was
cleansed. Augean, King of Elis, you know, kept a
large number of oxen for nine years in his stable with-
out having it cleaned out; and it was one of the labors
of Hercules to cleanse it. The Augean stable at Wash-
ington has had a number of animals in it for nearly
twelve years, without being cleaned out. [Laughter.]
Hercules performed his immense task by turning the
river Alpheus through it, and thus cleansed it through.
Now, we'll turn the great current of public opinion
(that is rushing all over the land) through the Augean
stable at Washington; and we'll not only clear out the
litter and filth, but we'll clear out the cattle along with
it. [Immense cheering and laughter.]
But I have not risen to speak, but to introduce to
you a man who stood up for the defense of his coun-
try, in the very worst of times, in the times that tried
men's souls. [Loud cheering.] I have risen to intro-
duce to you that noblest work of God, an honest man.
[Cheers.] One who stood up in his place on the floor
of the Senate and declared in the presence of the min-
342 Reminiscences of the
ions of executive power, that he had a country to serve
as well as a party to obey ! [Immense cheering.] I
have the honor to introduce to you the Hon. William
C. Rives, of Virginia,
Here a voice in the crowd called out, "Nine cheers
for old Virginia, " and nine cheers were given.
The Hon. W. C. Rives then came forward and was
received with tumultuous shouts of welcome.
He spoke for two hours, and his remarks stirred the
hearts of the people to their inmost depths. Then
came Legare and others, thrilling the hearts of the
people by their eloquence.
HARRISON AT LANCASTER, OHIO.
General Harrison spoke at Lancaster, Ohio, on the
2ist of October, to an immense concourse, large num-
bers of whom were foreign born, and his attention being
called to a report extensively circulated by his enemies
that he was unfriendly to immigrants from the Old
World, and unwilling that they should enjoy the privi-
leges of citizens, he replied to the charge in the follow-
ing eloquent words:
" I am accused, fellow-citizens, of entertaining un-
friendly feelings towards foreigners who emigrate to
this country with a view of becoming citizens, and of
a design to throw obstructions in the way of their
naturalization. Nothing can be more false than this
charge. Indeed, it has become the custom of my polit-
ical opponents to ascribe to me opinions and feelings
the very reverse of those that I entertain, and, without
a shadow of proof, on their naked, unsupported asser-
tion put me upon my defense. What, my fellow-citi-
zens, can be more cruel and unjust than this? I have
been more than forty years before my country, most
of the time engaged in active public service; and my
votes, and my speeches which are upon record and be-
Political Campaign of 1840. 343
fore the public, are a true index to my opinions on this
as well as other important subjects. And if those who
thus accuse me will point to a single vote, or any ex-
pression of mine, which can in the least support their
assertion, then I will agree that I am bound to come
forward and explain or admit its truth. But they can-
not do this. No such vote was ever given by me, and
no such opinion ever expressed. On the contrary,! have
ever felt the warmest sympathy for the victims of ty-
ranny and oppression in the Old World who have fled
here for refuge, and I have, on all occasions, given my
support, whether in the national councils or as a private
citizen, to all the laws which have been passed to
render their condition better or their naturalization
more easy. Nay, more: I have, on several special oc-
casions, lent my aid to bands of oppressed foreigners
exiled from their homes, when the general laws of our
country were not effectual for their relief.
"When Ireland was crushed in the attempt to throw
off the British yoke, and when her enthusiastic sons,
the united Irishmen, were defeated and driven into ex-
ile, and as exiles sought our shore — they came poor and
without a home — I was one who sympathized in their
sufferings, and advocated a law for their relief — a law
.setting apart to them a tract of land sufficient for their
wants, to be given them on long credit and on most
moderate terms. I advocated, too, a like grant of land
to the French exiles, on which they proposed to culti-
vate the vine and olive. In short, whether in or out
of public station, I have always done whatsoever was
in my power to relieve the burdens and add to the
comforts of the foreign emigrant — and where I could
not serve them more efficiently, I have given them my
counsel and my sympathy, and they have rewarded
me with the strongest marks of their gratitude and af-
fection.
u In the last struggle of Poland for liberty, and in the
last battle fought under the walls of Warsaw, in which
the fate of that gallant nation was sealed, there was an
eminence immediately under the walls, obstinately con-
tested, and three times lost and won by the contend-
314 Reminiscences of the
ing armies. The spot was overgrown with small alder
shrubs, and every bush was steeped in the blood of
the patriot Poles. When the contest was over, and
Poland had sunk into a Russian province, her people,
who mingle a stiong degree of religious devotion with
patriotic enthusiasm, flocked to the spot to cut and pre-
serve as holy relics those shrubs stained with the
blood of their countrymen, who fell as martyrs in the
cause of liberty and their country.
"The Russian Government, fearing the effect of this
feeling, ordered the hill to be cleared and the bushes
burned, so that no more of these relics could be pro-
cured; hence those already gathered became, in the
estimation of the Poles, a treasure above all price.
Only one of them, perhaps, has found its way to Amer-
ica, and that was presented to me but three days ago
by a delegate of the exiled Poles, as a token of their
gratitude for some services which I was able to render
them, and for the kind feelings which they knew I en-
tertained for them and their country. It is, as you see,
a cross made of small stems of the alder, and beauti-
fully wrought with silver. These unfortunate men es-
teemed it the most precious gift they could bestow on
one whom they knew to be their friend, and I prize it
as they prized it."
IN BOSTON.
GREAT GATHERING OF THE PEOPLE AT THE NORTH
END.
The meeting of the Whigs of the three northern
wards in the Bennett street school-house, on October
25, was throughout a most successful affair. Although
no attempts were made to get any numbers together,
the room was thronged at an early hour, and many, in
the early part of the evening went away unable to
Political Campaign of 1840. 345
obtain an entrance. We never witnessed any public
assemblage that was better conducted or where there
was a more universal satisfaction on the part of the
audience. There was no attempt to arouse the passions
on the part of the speakers. Everything was addressed
to the reason alone. There was no idle and ridiculous
declamation and naked assertion on their part about
British gold, nor any sneers against the laboring classes
who live in "log cabins" and drink "hard cider,"
which mark all the harangues of the hirelings of the
custom-house. All was as it should be, plain, sober,
common sense, such as the intelligent and patriotic
mechanics and laborers of the North End can under-
stand and appreciate; and we were glad to see that
not a few of those who last year were opponents of
the Whigs, because they had been led by the misrepre-
sentations of the paid partisans of the administration
to believe the Whigs were inimical to the interests of
the people, and anti-Democratic in their principles,
were present on this occasion, and manifested by the in-
terest they took in the proceedings, as well as by their
repeated expressions of applause, that they had at
length found out who were the real friends of the
people.
The meeting was called to order by Simon W. Rob-
inson, Esq. Hon. Nathaniel Gurney, of Ward one, was
appointed president; Benson Leavitt, Esq., of Ward
two, and David Tillson, Esq., of Ward three, vice-
presidents; and Richard G. Wait, Esq., and Henry L.
Gurney, Esq., secretaries. After the organization of
the meeting. Dr. T. M. Brewer offered a preamble and
series of resolutions, which will be found below. They
were received with great applause, and at the close of
the meeting were adopted by acclamation.
The chairman then introduced to the meeting Hon.
Samuel G. Goodrich, of Roxburv, who was warmly
and enthusiastically received, and who addressed the
audience about an hour in his best and happiest style.
He exposed in a strong light the abuses of the admin-
istration, and displayed in the clearest colors how in-
imical it had shown itself by all its measures to the in-
346 Reminiscences of the
terests of the laboring portion of the community. The
operation of the sub-treasury — its effects in reducing
wages and in lessening the value of property, while the
debts of the poor man were not diminished, and while
at the same time the wages of Van Buren, Bancroft,
and the whole tribe of office-holders, were increased in
proportion to the fall in the price of labor and produce —
was shown in a masterly, forcible and most convincing
manner. Mr. Goodrich closed his remarks amidst the
most urgent calls to go on, and the most evident and
real reluctance on the part of the audience to have him
stop. His remarks were interspersed with a great
variety of anecdotes and interesting illustrations of his
topics, which rendered him even more than usually en-
tertaining.
The general doctrine that he sought to establish and
enforce was that of American labor. American in-
dustry being the great source of our wealth and hap-
piness, demands encouragement at the hands of the
administration. Take care of the laborer, take care of
the poor, and the rich will take care of themselves.
This, said Mr. Goodrich, is sound policy and everybody
can see it. When the pockets of the mass of the peo-
ple are well lined, the dependent classes as the lawyers,
doctors, ministers and merchants, will do well enough.
Take care of the people, then. This is a first duty of
government; yet it has been neglected by the present
administration. Their measures tend to clean out the
poor man's pocket and put the contents into the rich
man's purse. The sub-treasury is a measure of con-
spiracy against the working-classes. It reduces wages;
it destroys the currency; it annihilates credit; it takes
out of the poor man's hands the. only means of placing
himself on a level with the rich man; it makes the peo-
ple without cash necessarily the servants of the rich;
it sacrifices the poor debtor to the rich creditor. It
tends to run all the business of the country into the
control of mere capitalists; it is a measure imported
from Europe and tends to reduce us to the standard of
Europe; it would make our workmen slaves, and our
women drudges in the field and in the street; it would
Political Campaign of 1840. 347
change the whole inducement to labor, substituting the
fear of poverty for the hope and expectation of success
in life.
We have not space to notice Mr. Goodrich's remarks
in detail; we can only offer a sketch of a story which
he introduced, and which was nearly as follows:
THE MORTGAGE AND THE SUB-TREASURY.
Let us suppose a case. Of a Saturday evening a
mechanic of one of our Norfolk towns sits down with
his wife for a comfortable chat The children are all
in bed, the week's work is done, its cares are laid aside.
The husband has just returned from the Springfield
convention; his heart is full of Democracy. He can
think of nothing else, he can speak of nothing else; in
the fullness of his heart he calls his youngest child De-
mocracy, and as he kisses his wife on his return, he
calls her Democracy also. Everything he loves is De-
mocracy, everything he hates is Hartford convention
Blue Lights Federalism.
The conversation of the mechanic and his wife on
the occasion supposed naturally turns upon politics,
and the following conversation ensues:
Wife. Well, husband, you talk a great deal about
Democracy; now I am a woman and know nothing
about politics, but pray tell me what Democracy is ?
Mechanic. Why, Democracy is Democracy!
W. Indeed! who told you so?
M. Bancroft told me so. I have heard him say so
more than fifty times, and Hallett says so, and Rantoul
and Everett; they all say so.
W. Well, if they say so, it must be true. But what
does Democracy mean?
M. Pshaw! You women can never understand
politics; you have no head for it. Now I'll read to you
out of the Boston Post what it means. Here are "the
resolutions of the Democratic convention, prepared at
Boston last fall. They were written by Brownson, or
some of the great guns. Here it is. "'Democracy is
the supremacy of man over his accidents."
W. Whew! Democracy is the supremacy of man
348 Reminiscences of the
over his accidents! What a critter it must be. But to
tell the truth I don't understand any more about De-
mocracy than I did before; I suppose it's because I'm a
woman. But look, here husband — I want to talk
to you about that mortgage of Squire Graball's
upon the house and land. He called here while you
were gone and he said a part of it must be paid or he'd
sue for it, and then the house and land would all go.
M. Why did'nt you tell me of this before ?
W. Because your head was so full of Democracy
and the Springfield convention that you would'nt
listen to me. I've mentioned it three times, and it
went in at one ear and out of the other. Now, hus-
band, I've been thinking about the mortgage, and it
worries me; your wages have fallen off of late, and
some of the time you have no employment. When
your wages were a dollar and a half a day, and you
had full work, you could support the family well, and
pay a hundred dollars a year towards clearing the
mortgage. It was a pleasant thing to work and be
economical and saving when we had the prospect of
having a house of our own, without Squire Graball's
clutches upon it. Now you can hardly support the fam-
ily, and when I ask for money you say you are run-
ning in debt. This is a bad prospect if we are to lose
the house and land after all.
M. Oh, never fear, wife; times will be better soon.
They've got a sub-treasury now which is to make us
all rich except the aristocrats.
W. I don't know about that. The times have been
getting worse and worse. It's four or five years since
you talked of having better times, and now that they
have really got a sub-treasury they say it is going to
reduce wages to fifty cents a day.
M. Well, that's trut, but everything we buy is to
come down at the same rate.
W. And what advantage is that? Beside, some
people say that sugar, and tea and coffee, and spices
and all foreign things will be as high as ever because
the sub-treasury don't work in those countries where
these things come from. But if wages are to come
Political Campaign of 1840. 349
down how are you to pay the mortgage of $600 to
Squire Graball ?
M. How am I going to pay the mortgage ?
W. Yes, if your wages go down to fifty cents a day
how can you ever pay it ? It will cost all that you can
earn to support the family.
M. Well, I must sell trie cow and the garden lot.
W. Yes, but these have gone down half price, and
they won't go far towaid reducing the mortgage.
M. Well, I must sell the house.
W. But that has gone down half price too! so that
all the property you have got won't pay Squire Grab-
all's mortgage. We must be turned out of house and
home, and still you are in debt. You are a ruined man
if the sub-treasury goes into full operation.
M. I never thought of all this before. There's
something wrong somewhere.
W. There is, indeed, husband. When they made
the sub-treasury to reduce the poor man's wages and
the poor man's property, why didn't they make it re-
duce the poor man's debt? Answer me that. When
they reduced a man's means of paying his debt, why
didn't they reduce the debt too ?
M. I can't say, upon my word.
W. Well, these men who made the sub-treasury,
pretend to be the poor man's friend; but it seems to me
that they are the rich man's friend, and the poor man's
enemy. You agree, to give Squire Graball $800 for
the house and land. Now you have paid $200, and
after you have paid $200 more he will get it back for
$400. So Squire Graball gets $400 out of you for
nothing, just because we must have a sub-treasury;
and you must be ruined to make him rich. Seems to
me, this is grinding the poor to fatten the rich. It
is making the poor man poorer and the rich man
richer.
M. Well, really, wife, all that sounds true; but Ban-
croft and Brownson did not tell us that. *
W. No, no; they didn't tell you, though they knew
it well. They filled your head with fantastic ideas of
Democracy and liberty. They blindfolded you with
350 Reminiscences of the
names and words, and led you with prejudices and
passions.
M. But why should they deceive us ?
W. Why ? Does'nt Bancroft get $6,000 a year so
long as Van Buren is in, and the sub-treasury sup-
ported ? Does'nt Brownson get $1,600 a year, so long
as his master, Van Buren, reigns ? Now, you have a
vote, and the voters can say who shall be President.
The way for Bancroft to keep his place, therefore, is to
throw dust in your eyes, and then he'll lead you up to
the ballot-box to vote for Van Buren, who supports
him, though he ruins you and your family.
M. Really, wife, you seem to be a politician after
all.
W. No, husband, I am no politician; but sometimes
a looker-on sees more of the game than they who play
it — I judge of government by its effects on our home.
Formerly, before this cry of Democracy — before these
Halletts, and Rantouls, and Bancrofts filled your head
with their humbugs, everything went well with us.
You were then a happy man, and la happy wife. Our
children were then well fed and well clothed. Every
year we added a little to our furniture; if I wanted a new
gown you always gave it to me, and you paid $100 a
year to reduce the mortgage. You were industrious
and cheerful; your face was always pleasant to me;
your voice was always kind to the children. Those
days are gone. I mourn, husband, but I do not re-
proach you. You have your cares and I know your
heart is right. But how has this change come about ?
M. I think I must ask you.
W. Well, then, I will tell you my opinion. I think
you, with too many others in the country, have been
grossly cheated and deceived. A set of men, who only
wished to enjoy power, and office, and spoils, have been
intrusted with the reigns of Government, and they have
driven us over a precipice. We only suffer with the
rest of the country — thousands and thousands are as
bad off as we.
M. Well, wife, I am afraid you are right; but what
can I do?
Political Campaign of 1840. 351
W. You can do two things. The first is to forsake
those who have cheated you — to withdraw your confi-
dence from a set of false prophets and false guides —
men who use you only to abuse you.
M. And what next shall I do ?
W. First tell me whether you will do as I request?
M. I never buy a pig in a poke. Tell me what it
is you propose, and if it's reasonable, I'll do it.
W. Vote for old Tip!
M. I thought it was coming to that! Well, there's
no danger in trying the change. Here it goes: Hur-
rah for Harrison and better times!
" Such, my friends," said Mr. Goodrich, u is my story,
and who will say it is not probable? Who will say
that the wife, whose happiness is directly and perhaps
fatally influenced by political measures, has no right to
use her influence in relation to this subject. The Bos-
ton Post may indeed deny it, and, if wives reason it as
well as the heroine of our story, the Post may fear it.
We wonder not that men who fear the truth should
scoff at the influence of clear-headed and true-hearted
woman. You may beguile men with humbug names,
but woman brushes these cobwebs of delusion away
with common sense. She tests things by results; she
asks herself whether the reign of Loco Focoism makes
home happier; whether it brings peace to the pillow
and comfort to the fireside? The wives of the country
have been applying this test, and their decision is that
the humbug Democracy of your Bancrofts, and Bu-
chanans, and Van Burens is an imposition of half-
wages to the working man and full salaries to the of-
fice-holder. It is a reduction of all the wages and
property, and all the means of payment to the poor
debtor and no reduction of debts; it is a system of pre-
tended benefit, but real ruin to the poor. It is a pre-
tended war upon the rich, but an effective and power-
ful promotion of their interests. It is a reverse of the
measures upon which our Government should be ad-
ministered, to encourage the interests of the working
classes of the poor, and the rich will take care of
themselves. It is a system of fattening the rich at
$$2 Reminiscences of the
the expense of the poor. It is not strange that such
injustice in the administration should- make all good
wives good Whigs. It is not strange that Loco Foco
editors should try to ridicule woman out of the field
of political influence, where tnat influence tends to
substitute truth for falsehood, prosperity for ruin, the
reign of reason for the dominion of party, and the
adoption of sound and stable policy in place of juggling
tricks and fatal experiments.
A WET BLANKET.
Governor Lewis occasioned no little consternation
at the Loco Foco Poughkeepsie convention, of which
he was chairman, by denouncing the sub-treasury.
The following sketch from the Albany Evening Jour-
nal, gives the details of the affair. The scene must
have been rich.
General Lewis began by saying that he felt grateful
for the compliment bestowed upon him; that he was an
old man of eighty-seven; that he had been all his life an
observer of public affairs and probably knew more of
the history of the sub-treasurers than most present;
that the first sub-treasurer with whose history he was
acquainted was Lord , under the Colonial Govern-
ment, who turned out to be a large defaulter! [Here
there was much whispering on the stage, and Mr. Van-
derpool stepped behind] That the second was
[giving the name] who was also a defaulter! [Here the
confusion increased, and General Maison and Richard
D. Davis moved forward]; and that in fine, he had
never known but one man, and he lived next door,
who could settle his accounts with the Government as
a sub-treasurer, and he was enabled to do so only by
the charity of his neighbors, who brought him the gold
and silver in little bags as a loan, that he might seem to
have it to secure his reappointment, and the next day
it went back where it came from. That for these
Political Campaign of 1840. 353
reasons he had been opposed to the sub-treasury.
[Here the alarm and confusion on the stage became im-
mense.] D — n the old man, said D to M ; he
don't know when to stop! He'll talk all day, said
another; call for Wright. General Maison stepped up
to the speaker, and saying to the audience in an un-
dertone (the General is very deaf) "'Don't you want to
hear Wright?" and on their calling out forWT right, he put
his hand on the speaker's shoulder and yelled in rm
ear, "Don't you hear, General, they call for Wright!"
" I am just about giving my reasons why I think it
may do. If the bill makes it felony to abstract the
money," persevered the General . Mortification and
chagrin was now marked upon every countenance
upon the stage. " Choke him off," muttered one. " Let us
drown him with cheers," said Senator Maison, who
came to the front of the stage, and threw his cap three
times round his head, bawling hurrah at each swing.
The three cheers, however, were faint and forced; and
the deaf man did not hear them and was going on with
his reasons, etc., when Senator Maison gave the sig-
nal for three more. These were gotten up in better
style, and the speaker was again reminded to give his
reasons. When Senator Maison gave the signal, the
band on the stage struck up Yankee Doodle, a grand
hubbub ensued, and in the midst of it Vanderpool
pulled the old veteran into the chair by his coat tail.
MEETINGS IN OCTOBER.
ONE FIRE MORE — DEAR FRIENDS, ONCE MORE TO
THE BREACH.
The battle of the Thames was grandly celebrated at
Detroit on the 5th day of October, by the Wolverenes.
In Ohio at the county seat of each county, the Buck-
eyes met and celebrated the battle of the Thames, on
the 5th, and was preparatory to two more signal vic-
tories of old Tippecanoe.
23
354 Reminiscences of the
On the 5th of October there were thirty-four acres of
people at a great Whig rally near Norris' woods, about
three miles north of Philadelphia. They came together
in their strength to celebrate the anniversary of the
battle of the Thames, one of the most brilliant of Ameri-
can engagements, in which the army, under Harrison's
command gave final peace to all the great Western ter-
ritory which was for twenty years the field of his ardu-
ous labor as soldier and civilian. About twenty thousand
people were said to have been under the management of
Col. C. G. Childs, chief marshal, and his numerous aides.
The city procession, augmented by the delegations
from Germantown, Frankford, Bristol, Oxford and
other places was huge in its proportions. Alexander
Ferguson presided, and gave an interesting account of
the fight, he having been a captain under Harrison.
From their stands, speaking was carried on by John
Sargeant, Morton McMichael, W. B. Reed and others.
As the crowd was in the procession returning to the
city the infuriated Loco Foco bullies assaulted it with
clubs, stones and missiles, but they were repulsed.
At Wilmington, Delaware, there was an enormous
crowd on the 5th of October. Doctor Naudain pre-
sided, and the thousands were eloquently and ably ad-
dressed by Daniel Webster, John M. Clayton and
Hiram Ketcham. Great was the enthusiasm created
by these grand orators.
The Loudon, Virginia, Whig festival on the I2th of
October was a splendid affair. The Leesburg Genius
of Liberty says the procession numbered 6,000 footmen,
and there was a brilliant assemblage of 1,000 ladies
adding life and animation to the scene. Eloquent
speeches were made by C. C. Washington, of Mary-
land; L. Chillon, of Fauquier county; J. S. Pendleton
and others.
On the iSth of October, a great meeting was held at
Bridgetown, N. J., which was addressed by Senator
Southard, Governor Call, of Florida, and other distin-
guished orators.
The glorious anniversary of .the 9th of October was
grandly commemorated by noble Whigs from far and
Political Campaign of 1840. 355
near on the plains of Yorktown, Va., who were ad-
dressed by electors from North Carolina, Maryland
and Virginia in inspiring speeches for Harrison and
Tvler.
COOLNESS ON THE FIELD OF BAT-
TLE.
Connected with the movements of the Northwest-
ern armies, in 1838 and previously, are many incidents
which, though too unimportant for the pages of gen-
eral history, are nevertheless highly* interesting and
well worthy of preservation. Some of these have
been related by General Tipton and other brave offi-
cers; several are recorded in the narratives of Dawson
and Hall; a few may be found in the newspapers of
the times in which they occurred; but the greater
number of them dwell merely in the recollections of
the surviving soldiers who witnessed them. Some of
them display an intrepidity unsurpassed in the history
of warfare; others exhibit a coolness, in the moment
of imminent danger, indicative of the most determined
resolution and the most extraordinary nerve. Of this
latter character are the two incidents mentioned be-
low. We find them related in a letter from Col. John
Speed Smith (a prominent friend of the administra-
tion, in Kentucky) to a gentleman of this city. Colo-
nel Smith, it will be recollected, was one of the aides
of General Harrison in the battle of the Thames:
The writer states that a moment before the battle
commenced, General Harrison rode up to a majestic
Seneca chief, and took his powder-horn to reprime his
pistols. Upon witnessing this, Lieutenant Smith asked
him if he expected to come in personal contact with
the enemy; to which the general replied that it was
proper to be prepared for any event; that he commanded
an army of better materials than Proctor's, and
356 Reminiscences of the
that he was determined not to survive a defeat; add-
ing with a smile, to Lieutenant Smith, "You had bet-
ter fresh prime, too, as I shall expect my aides to die
around me!"
Whilst at the crochet, after the left wing had recov-
ered from its momentary confusion, and was joining
the front, General Harrison ordered Lieutenant Smith to
bring down Chilles's command to support it. While
he was giving this order, the necks of the two horses
were interlocked; and some twigs of a tree above them,
which had gathered and retained a cluster of leaves,
and around which the aide had to look at his com-
mander, were cut down by the enemy's balls. Near
the spot, at the same moment, a soldier was shot
through the thigji, and seeing the commander-in-chief
as he swung arouud and fell, he cried out: "Did you
see that, General ? they have shot me again."
This man had been wounded the day before at the
bridge. General Harrison directed him to be taken
back to have his wounds dressed, but finding that his
thigh was not broken, the brave fellow bandaged it
with his handkerchief to stop the bleeding, clutched up
his gun, swore he meant to have satisfaction, and con-
tinued to fight. A few moments afterwards, a young
man dashed up to the commander, holding a scalp in
his hand, and sung out, " Look here, General, I've got
it! My father was an old Kentucky Indian fighter,
and when I left home, he made me promise to bring
the scalp of a red skin killed by myself. And here it
is — this is for the old man. Now I want one for my-
self." And away he sprang in search of another
enemy.
These two anecdotes, Colonel Smith says, greatly
amused Commodore Perry, when he related them to
him at the close of the battle; and the gallant sailor
truly said that an army of such men could not be con-
quered. And he frequently afterwards, on meeting
with the officers of the army, would repeat the brave
soldier's exclamation with great zeal, " Do you see that,
General? They have shot me again!"
Political Campaign of 1840. 357
THE LADIES IN THE CANVASS.
On the i4th of August the Whig ladies of Dover,
Delaware, presented the Dover Hundred Tippecanoe
Association a beautiful banner wrought by them.
Several young ladies in the West promised to marry
their lover provided Harrison was elected, and many
young men who had been Loco Focos took the stump
in earnest for " Tip and Ty."
The following, from the Providence Journal, is one
of the pleasing signs of the times. When the ladies are
for us, we are certain of two things, that our cause is
just and that it will prevail:
"The ladies of Maine are, almost without exception,
all Whigs. In the town of Bristol, a young girl who
was engaged to a young fisherman in the island of
Mowhegan, which is attached to that town, and who
was suspected of Loco Focoism, told him that she would
banish him from her favor unless he voted the Whig
ticket. The young man, who, by the way, was just
twenty-one, and had consequently never voted before,
demurred, but his lady-love was inexorable, and very
justly insisted that not to be a Whig in these times
argued either a lack of intelligence and discernment, or
a want of principle and true patriotism. Neither de-
ficiency was to be overlooked by her, and he need
never come and see her again, therefore, if he did not
vote the Harrison ticket. Love and prejudice had a
hard contest, but the former triumphed. The young
man voted the entire Whig ticket, and Thorpes, the
Whig candidate, was chosen by one majority. The
damsel is surely deserving the thanks, not only of the
young man whom she thus saved from the sin of Loco
Focoism, but of every true Republican in the State."
From the Connecticut Courant, of August 13, 1777:
'•Williamsburg, Virginia, July 4. We hear that the
young ladies of Amelia county, considering the situa-
tion of our country in particular and the United States
in general, have entered into a resolution not to permit
35$ Reminiscences of the
the addresses of any person, be his circumstances or
condition in life what they will, unless he has served in
the American Army long enough to prove by his valor
that he is deserving of their love."
Such were the daughters of America, when our sires
were struggling in the AVar of Independence against a
foreign foe; and such the daughters of America are
still, and ever will be, admirers of bravery and honor,
and devoted to their country. We have before taken
notice of the enthusiasm of the fair children of our
land in the present contest between a people, zealous
of their liberty and royalty, with its stately palace, its
better currency, and its standing armies. We have
now another instance to give of their Roman virtue.
We learn that, at the Whig meeting in Alexandria, the
ladies were at the windows as the Whig procession
paraded the streets, encouraging them with their
sweet smiles, waving their handkerchiefs, and breath-
ing the pure and grateful prayer of woman for their
success in the coming struggle. A few hours passed,
and the Loco Foco procession came in its turn. No
bright eye beamed upon their path; no sweet smile
shone upon them, but the closed blinds, and the black
flags, which hung from the windows where these fair
forms stood two hours before, showed how the good
and virtuous mourned o'er the trampled liberties of
their country.
If ought on earth can toil beguile,
'Tis lovely woman's cheering smile;
Its sweetest meed, its best reward
Is smiling woman's kind regard.
EFFECT OF A NATIONAL SONG.
The last Nashville Whig contains a letter from Rog-
ersville, East Tennessee, which gives an account of a
promiscuous political meeting at Greenville, where Mr.
Grundy and Turney addressed the people in reply
to General Arnold. Grundy and Turney then ad-
Political Campaign of 1840. 359
journed over to this place, not expecting that Arnold
would be there — but hear the writer in his own words:
" Well, when we arrived, say about 12 o'clock,
Grundy was addressing some three hundred persons in
the large new court-house. They had no idea Arnold
would be here; and having invited Mr. Senter to at-
tend and reply to them, who was sick and unable to
speak at all, as they well knew, just as Grundy was la-
menting that there was no gentlemen of the opposite
party present to advocate the Whig cause, Arnold
stepped in, and making his bow to the old gentleman,
told him he had come in good time. Nothing was
more manifest than that Grundy and his whole party
were very much confused. On he went, however, mak-
ing all manner of statements, for near five hours, evi-
dently with a view to prevent a reply. He became angry
upon seeing Arnold enter the house, and denounced the
Whigs as ' a miserable pie-bald party,' having no prin-
ciples, but little honor, and a candidate destitute of
talent — one, too, whom he declared they were trying
to elect by singing, and by the exhibition of log cabins
and coon-skins !
" When he sat down, the redoubtable Colonel Mc-
Clelland attempted to introduce Turney, but the crowd
called out for Arnold, long and loud, though they re-
fused to let him speak at all. Arnold asked them for
one hour only — for the hour they had offered his sick
colleague, Mr. Senter, .but they refused to let him say
one word. The crowd then called to Arnold to go
with them into the street, and answer Grundy's speech,
which he did, and did, too, in a masterly manner — leav-
ing but sixty persons in the house, as I was told by
those who afterwards counted them!
''At the close of Arnold's speech, Turney having
been forced to close for the want of hearers, Senator
Anderson attempted to speak, but the Tippecanoe
club struck up a fine Harrison song, and took the
whole assembly from them. I never saw a set more com-
pletely used up. Their countenances told the tale of
their souls, horror. I view it as the best day's work the
Whigs have ever done in Hawkins."
360 Reminiscences of t]ic
GOOD REASONS FOR TURNING ONE'S
COAT.
The following dialogue from the Pilot is reproduced
as indicative of the feeling of the workingmen:
I was sitting at my window some evenings ago.
when two mechanics met each other and began to
talk just below me. Being pleased with the good
sense of their conversation, I took up my pen, and as
well as I can recollect, wrote it down; here it is:
" Good morning, John; have you found any work
yet? I have not."
"No," said John, "not one stroke; nobody's doing
anything."
" What," said his companion, "are things coming to,
if they keep on at this rate?"
" I don't know, indeed," said John, " I can't live on
one day's work in a week and support my family; Bill,
I hate to go home and see my poor children, for God
only knows how long it will be before they are crying
to me for bread; it's all owing to the currency, and our
rulers should better it; they have the power."
"They are going to, John."
" Yes," replied he, "and their attempts are like the
man who undertook to make his horse live on one
straw a day; his experiment went on bravely with this
exception, that before he had reduced him to the one
straw diet he was dead."
" Why, John, you talk like a Whig."
" So I am."
"You a Whig?"
"Yes, you need'nt stare; the story is short; I had
nothing to do, so got the papers and read both sides,
and now I mean to go it strong for Tippecanoe."
" Well ! "
"Yes, it's very well indeed."
"But, John, the boys will laugh at you and call you
'turn-coat.'"
Political Campaign of 1840. 361
"Let them; and those of them I can't thrash I'll try
to! I know my own business best, and I know who
is my friend; Old Tip £y, and Martin Van Buren is not.
Tip's a brave old soldier, and AN HONEST MAN; and
what is still better, a working-man like myself. As
regards the coat, I'll tell you how it is: 1 got up in the
morning, half asleep, and put it on wrong side out, and
that was the Van Buren side, all threads, seams and
linings; when I awoke, well I, like a sensible fellow,
took it off, brushed it, and then put it on right. Now
the Tip side is out; and I consider that man a fool who
takes an exception at the change, but him a greater
fool who is ashamed to turn his coat right; but would,
because he put it on wrong in the morning, wear it so all
day."
" But, John, what's your reason ?"
"For these: Van Buren's experiments have played
the d 1 with the currency, and I am consequently
out of work; he has, therefore, virtually taken my
wages from me, and I mean to charge him in my book
for every day I am out of work, and consider the sum
total so many good reasons for not voting for him.
When his party came into office, they found the best
of currencies, and I found work plenty; both are
gone to Davy Jones' locker; he promised us a gold
and silver currency. Where'st ? Why, here is one of
the ghosts of the humbug;" and he took out a shin-
plaster levy.
"But, John, 'twas the Whigs and the banks."
"Pshaw, nonsense! nobody in his senses believes
that. What have the Whigs to do with our financial
affairs? They are not at the head of the Government.
They were in the minority (but don't intend to be any
longer); but, admitting this falsehood, a party that
would permit a minority to do as they please with our
moneys, is not fit to pretend to rule, and should be
turned out. And, again, I should be a fool, indeed, to
vote for a party who goes the whole hog for reducing
my wages; and that, by-the-bye, I think is very useless,
for just let them tinker and cobble away as usual, and
the mechanic won't have any wages to be reduced at
362 Reminiscences of the
all. And Mr. Van Buren is not the choice of the peo-
ple; he was smuggled into the Presidential chair under
the old general's popularity. We want no such bastard
politicians foisted upon us. Let a man's own worth,
talents, merit and popularity, father him — not another's.
And, again, this party has proposed and acted upon
this curious proposition, 'a small rogue's a big rogue,
and a big rogue is no rogue at all,' he is only a de-
faulter— an absquatulator, but no rogue. Steal a five
dollar note and you will be sent to jail; steal (don't
steal, oh, no! only take) a million and a half, and you
are a fine fellow — very much surprised you did'nt take
more; and, in one case, they actually applied the old
fable of the fox and the flies to some rodguing, thiev-
ing rascal out West."
" Well, John, I have no work to do; I will go and
read both sides. May be my old jacket is on wrong,
too; so good-bye."
" Good-bye, Bill; tell all your friends to read both
sides, too; " and they departed.
WILLIAM WILKINS AND THE MAN-
UFACTURERS.
On Friday evening last, at the Porter meeting, at the
Exchange, William Wilkins contended that the sub-
treasurv scheme, with cash duties on foreign products,
would be better for the manufacturers than the best
tariff. He then called by name on the Messrs. Bake-
wells, and other manufacturers, to express their opin-
ions on the subject. The following is their response
to his call. We ask the attention of Mr. Wilkins, and
of our farmers, manufacturers and working men to it.
It gives an admirable summing up of the truth of the
whole matter in a very small compass. —Pittsburgh
Gazette.
Political Campaign of 1840. 363
To the Hon. Judge Wilkins:
SIR: Having heard that in your address from the
Exchange steps, on Friday evening last, you appealed
to our firm, amongst others, whether the sub-treasury
scheme, with cash payments of duties, would not be
better for the manufacturers than the ;" best protective
tariff," and not doubting your desire to have every er-
roneous impression corrected, we beg leave to observe
that, although the latter would, as far as it went, be
favorable, the operations of the former will be highly
injurious to them.
It will paralyze the enterprise of the manufacturer,
and the ingenuity of the mechanic by diminishing the
demand for their products. It will oppress the indus-
trious farmer by greatly reducing the prices of his
produce, and it will bring down the wages of the la-
boring man so low as to deprive him of the means of
obtaining many of the comforts he has been accus-
tomed to enjoy.
Manufacturers flourish -best when the farmer, the
mechanic and the working man are doing well!
In no country with which we are acquainted, possess-
ing only a metallic currency, does labor meet its just
reward; and the inevitable tendency of the sub-treas-
ury law is to bring into operation the anti-Democratic
principle of making the "poor poorer and the rich
richer;" and is totally opposed to that of "promoting
the greatest good to the greatest number."
We remain, sir, respectfully yours,
August 16, 1840. BAKEWELLS & Co.
INCIDENTS AND HUMOROUS FACTS
WORTH REMEMBERING.
Mr. Webster, at the great log-cabin gathering in Ver-
mont, was introduced to a member of the Boston Tea
Party, an old veteran, 94 years of age, who pushed the
364 Reminiscences of the
tea from the gunwale of the ship into the water. Mr.
Webster, on his return to Brattleboro, called on the
hero at his dwelling among the mountains in July, 1840,
and he avowed himself ready to push Matty Van Buren
from the gunwale of our national ship into the briny
deep.
NO CROWING.
We are sorry to hear that the very Chapman who re-
ceived orders to crow is " cooped up," his comb cut
and his gaffs off, for the Indianapolis Journal, of July
4, said, " Chapman, the Loco Foco editor of the Wa-
bash Enquirer, stands indicted in the court of Vigo
county for perjury."
FEDERAL OUTRAGE.
Three students of Dartmouth college, New Hamp-
shire, have been expelled from that institution, and
seventeen fined $3 each for attending a Harrison con-
vention.
At Dayton, Ohio, at the great convention in a log
cabin, was a live wolf with a sheep-skin on him, labeled
"Van Buren."
Another picture, Van Buren running down hill, his
locks and coat-tail streaming in the wind and a barrel
of hard cider rolling after him; he was crying out,
"Stop that barrel."
REVOLUTIONARY ARMY.
We find the following in an old Vermont paper:
The number of regulars furnished to the Revolution-
ary army were, by New England, 147,441; by the
Middle States, 56,571; by the Southern States, 56,997.
It appears by the above that New England, consisting
of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and
Connecticut, furnished more troops for the defense of
the country than the other nine States by 3,S72- The
number of troops furnished by South Carolina was
6,448; Massachusetts, 67,907; Georgia, 2,697; Connecti-
cut, 31,939.
Wm. L. Crandell, editor of the Onondaga, N. Y.,
Standard, publicly asserted in a speech at Brockway's,
in the town of Camillus, that " with the sub-treasury
Political Campaign of 1840. 365
in full operation, the farmer could hire ten men to
labor for the sum that he now has to pay five."
FACTS TO BE REMEMBERED.
That four votes, given in the Fifth ward of New
York, made Thomas Jefferson President of the United
States.
That one vote made Marcus Morton Governor of
Massachusetts in 1839.
That six votes, given in the Fourteenth ward of
New York, in 1837, gave the Whig party the majority
in the common council.
That in 1839 a merchant from the Eighth Senatorial
district of New York, being in the city on business,
returned home to vote, by which the Whigs elected a
State senator.
At a loafers' meeting on the island opposite Wheel-
ing, Va., on the loth of August, Richard M. Johnson
was one of the speakers, and upon being asked
whether General Harrison was a coward, he replied:
"You might as well ask me whether I was a coward,
for in the battle of the Thames there were no cowards —
every man did his duty from the general down. " He
also said he never heard his bravery questioned until
the present canvass.
An anecdote illustrating an important fact is the fol
lowing : Mr Williams, the State senator, was address-
ing a meeting at Alexandria, Westmoreland county,
and remarked that on the administration side the con-
test was maintained by office-holders, and that without
their opposition Harrison would be elected by uni-
1 versal acclamation. • Some one in the crowd ex-
claimed : "That's not true !" Mr. Williams promptly
replied, "I know that voice; it is the voice of Mr.
Moorhead, our postmaster at Pittsburg, and this is an-
other evidence of the truth of my remarks."
Log-cabin carpets were brought into use, and ink-
stands, cane heads and quilts and various other em-
blems and devices were to be met with in the homes of
Harrison men in all the States.
The Louisville Journal states that Capt. John Fow-
366 Reminiscences of the
ler, who certifies that, in 1798-99, General Harrison
wore the black cockade, presided at a public dinner in
Lexington, in November, 1813, at which, among toasts
to Jefferson, Shelby, Colonel Johnson, etc , the follow-
ing was drank to Harrison:
"The commander-in-chief of the Northwestern
Army; the favorite son of the Western country."
On one of the steamboats going from New York to
Albany, on July 3, a party of office-holders were
drinking toasts to Mr. Van Buren and the administra-
tion, and called upon an Irishman who was present
for his toast with the promptness characteristic of his
native isle, he said:
" Here's to our fathers and mothers,
Likewise to ould Ireland too;
Down with Martin Van Buren,
And up with Old Tippecanoe."
GEN. HARRISON'S REPLY TO POIN-
DEXTER.
ELOQUENCE OF THE OLD TIPPECANOE CHIEF — EX-
TRACT FROM GENERAL HARRISON'S REMARKS IN
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON THE SEM-
INOLE WAR.
No public man seemed ever to have been so much
underestimated as General Harrison. At least no
one's abilities have been so assailed by his adversaries.
There never has been a candidate who was so often
called upon for expositions of his nerve. No one has
so frankly, freely and fully given his opinions in
letters and speeches, as these pages will bear witness.
His letters were plain and direct, his speeches practical
and to the point, and elicited unbounded applause.
Notwithstanding his life from boyhood had been upon
Political Campaign of 1840. 367
the frontier, and much of the time in the army, yet he
had read much and possessed a well cultivated mind
and retentive memory. He had read and thoroughly
studied ancient history, and seemed to have in great
part regulated his conduct by illustrious examples in
Grecian and Roman history. His allusions were ever
apt, and his sentiments appropriate. Where will any-
thing more excellent be found than the following
extract from his reply to Governor Poindexter, on the
subject of General Jackson's invasion of Florida. It
is well worthy of preservation among the gems of
eloquence by Amercan statesmen:
"A Republican Government should make no dis-
tinctions between men, and should never relax its
maxims of security for any individual, however dis-
tinguished. No man should be allowed to say that he
could do that with impunity which another could not
do. If the father of his country were alive and in the
administration of the Government, and had authorized
the taking of the Spanish posts, I would declare my
disapprobation of it as readily as I do now. Nay,
more, because the more distinguished the individual,
the more salutary the example. No one can tell how
soon such an example would be beneficial. General
Jackson will be faithful to his country; but I recollect
that the virtues and patriotism of Fabio and Scipio
were soon followed by the crimes of Marius and the
usurpation of Sylla. I am sure, sir, that it is not the in-
tention of any gentleman upon this floor to rob Gen-
eral Jackson of a single ray of glory, much less to
wound his feelings or injure his reputation. And,
while I thank my friend from Mississippi (Mr. Poin-
dexter), in the name of those who agree with me that
General Jackson has done wrong, I must be permitted
to decline the use of the address which he has so oblig-
ingly prepared for us, and substitute the following as
more consonant to our views and opinions. If the res-
olutions pass, I would address him thus: 'In the per-
formance of a sacred duty imposed by their construc-
tion of the Constitution, the representatives of the peo-
ple have found it necessary to disapprove a single act
368 Reminiscences of the
of your brilliant career; they have done it in the full
conviction that the hero who has guarded her rights in
the field will bow with reverence to the civil institu-
tions of his country, that he has admitted as his
creed that the character of the soldier can never be
complete without eternal deference to the character of
the citizen. Your country has done for you all that a
republic can do for the most favored of her sons. The
age of deification is past; it was an age of tyranny and
barbarism; the adoration of man should be addressed
to his Creator alone. You have been feasted in the
pritanes of the cities. Your statue shall be placed in
the Capitol, and your name be found in the songs of the
virgins. Go, gallant chief, and bear with you the grat-
itude of your country. Go, under the full conviction
that, as her glory is identified with yours, she has
nothing more dear to her but her laws, nothing more
sacred but her Constitution. Even an unintentional
error shall be sanctified to her service. It will teach
posterity that the Government which could disapprove
the conduct of a Marcellus, will have the fortitude to
crush the vices of a Marius.' These sentiments, sir,
lead to results in which all must unite. General
Jackson will still live in the hearts of his fellow-citi-
zens, and the Constitution of our country will be im-
mortal."
PEACE HATH ITS VICTORIES AS
WELL AS WAR.
The great Revolution was not made in peace, but
through storm and bloodshed; the people favoring
Harrison had to walk in many localities. There were
deeds of violence such as no other political campaign
in the Union had known. From the time when
Thomas Laughlin, the honest carpenter, marching
Political Campaign of 1840. 369
with the procession of Whig young men at Baltimore,
the 5th of May, was killed, there were hundreds of
supporters of Tippecanoe assaulted, battered, bruised
beaten, and very many killed in various parts of the
country. These outrageous attacks were applauded
unblushingly by that class of papers • that believed
with the Globe that " rivers of blood should flow before
Van Buren should be removed from the executive
office." Blair and Kendall, with brutal indecency, in-
solent bluster and savage b.ullyism, did all in their
power to incite desporadoism and make violence. At-
tacks by ruffians and bullies were made upon men go-
ing to and returning from conventions, and upon pro-
cessions and meetings in various parts of the country.
Public speakers like John W. Bear, the Buckeye black-
smith, were pelted with eggs, brickbats and stones,
and the man of the people the bullies sought to mur-
der at Huntington, Pennsylvania, and other places.
From many accounts of like character, the following
extract of a letter, dated Cincinnati, October i, 1840.
is taken as showing the malicious and vindictive spirit
of the times:
A tremendous excitement prevails in the city in re-
gard to a disturbance which took place about an hour
ago (ten o'clock at night). The Whigs seemingly of
all creation held a meeting here to-day. All places of
business were closed, and an immense procession,
which commenced in the morning at eight o'clock, was
held. Old Tip, Governors Metcalf, Poindexter, Wick-
liffe, Moorehead, etc., were the speakers, This even-
ing an immense crowd of ladies and gentlemen assem-
bled in front of the Huron House, where I stop.
While Mr. Graves, of Kentucky, was speaking from
the portico, the meeting was broken up by a num-
ber of Loco Focos, and ended in a general fight.
Brickbats, clubs, sword-canes, bowie knives, pistols,
etc., were used. Several have been badly hurt,
some of whom have just been brought into the
house, and there are all sorts of reports flying. I
saw several pistols fired from my room window in the
third story.
24
370 Reminiscences of the
Old Tip takes the stage for Pennsylvania to morrow
morning. So it is likely he will be with you before the
election. — U. S. Gazette.
The Examiner thus describes a like outrageous
scene at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, on the 5th of Octo-
ber:
As usual with them for the past few weeks, the
Loco Focos issued a call for a meeting on Saturday even-
ing last, knowing that we had called a meeting on the
same evening. Coming down East King, from the
place where we keep our big ball, we were met by the
Van Buren men; some of them threw stones and broke
several holes into the ball, and came near hitting the
boy inside! Our friends passed on, determined to suf-
fer rather than resent the outrage. Returning from
the place of meeting, the same outrage was attempted
to be repeated; but was prevented by one of our
friends. After the ball was put away our procession
was dismissed in front of Levi Swope's (late Sharp's)
tavern; some few went into the tavern, but the greater
number returned to their homes. After this, a num-
ber of Van Buren bullies, headed by John Boot,
George Huffnagle, Neal Donnelly, Cooney Plitt, Bill
Haines, Fraley and others, armed with clubs,
stones, pistols, etc., rushed into the house, and, before
our friends were aware of their object, beat and bruised
several of our most worthy citizens. Our friends ral-
lied and put them out of the house, when they com-
menced throwing stones through the door and win-
dows, injuring several persons inside, and shattering
the door and windows to pieces! The sheriff inter-
fered, but was also knocked down ! The mayor was
prevailed upon to restore order, but complied in such
a manner as to create dissatisfaction among some of
those who assisted him, time after time, into his pres-
ent office ! It is said, he even declared on the ground
that the Whigs should never be suffered to obtain the
ascendency in this city ! If this be true, is it not sec-
onding the declaration of Reah Frazer, that u the
Democrats should maintain their ascendency, even
if they had to do it at the point of a bayonet ! "
Political Campaign of 1S40. 371
Order was at length restored, but several of our
friends were afterwards waylaid and beaten on their
return home !
The National Gazette, of Philadelphia, speaking of
the attacks upon the procession of October 5, when
it was passing through the northern part of the city, and
was broken in upon by gangs of Van Buren roughs
and bullies, says: "They cannot see an assembly of
their political opponents without commencing an as-
sault upon it. And their conduct, instigated by the
spirit of their journals, is then palliated or justified by
the same authorities. We speak of what we know.
We witnessed on Monday several unprovoked sallies
by Van Buren pugilists upon persons in the Whig
procession. We saw missiles thrown, and a banner
dragged from the hands of a bearer, which has simply
this inscription: 'One Presidential Term and No Sub-
Treasury,' certainly nothing to give just offense. That
was just what they were mad at. They could not bare
the thought that their party should be routed from
power. The Democratic party are always opposed to
going out of office, while to get in they may profess to
be in favor of ' one term.' No sooner does their
President become seated than he begins wise working
and manipulating for another term."
This book could be filled with accounts of mobocratic
acts of Loco Foco ruffians in Virginia, Kentucky,
Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana and other States,
where, by inaugurating a reign of terror, they tried to
intimidate men and prevent them from voting. The
old veterans in Ohio will remember the assaults upon
their processions and the meetings in Jefferson, Lick-
ing, Fairfield, Knox, Richland, and other counties.
The writer of these reminiscences has been on the
speakers' stand, with others, pelted with eggs, in pro
cession dragged from his horse, and has personally
witnessed wanton and unprovoked attacks upon car-
riages and wagons filled with men, women and chil-
dren, driving in processions or going home from con-
ventions. Nearly every town of size had its bullies
and beastly ruffians, who, ready to do the bidding of ad-
372 Reminiscences of the
ministration leaders, set upon and grievously hurt
their fellow-citizens, who dared to exercise the rights
of freemen. By domineering and brute force they en-
deavored to maintain their ascendency. But, unfor-
tunately for them, the followers of Harrison were of
sterner stuff than to yield. They remembered their
gallant leader's words: "The people can do their own
voting as well as their own fighting." They stood up
manfully for their rights and privileges as American
citizens, and another victory was scored for " Old Tip-
pecanoe."
THE GRAND TRIUMPH.
HARRISON'S CREED APPROVED BY THE PEOPLE-
REFLECTIONS AND GENERAL SUMMING UP.
It will be seen from the foregoing that General Harri-
son's canvass was hotly contested. He was the sub-
ject of more misrepresentation than any candidate in
the history of the country. He was catechised from
all sections and by all manner of men. His answers
were plain and were models of epistolary correspond-
ence. His views were presented upon slavery, duel-
ing, immigration, treatment of the Indians, and other
questions of moral and political character. His letters
of acceptance and to Hon. John MacPherson Berrier,
of Georgia, Thomas Sloo, Jr., of Louisiana, Sherrod
Williams, Mr. Owen, Harmor Denny and various
others, were republished in all the papers of the United
States.
His creed, briefly summed up was as follows:
To serve one term and to be President of the United
States, and not of a party.
To communicate to Congress the affairs of the
nation truly.
Political Campaign of 1840. 373
That Congress shall make the laws, and not the
President.
To use the veto power but seldom, and then only for
the preservation of the Constitution.
That Congress had no right to interfere with slavery
in any way.
That right is reserved to the States where slavery
exists.
That no man shall be appointed to office but such as
is known to be capable and honest.
No man shall be dismissed from office without
proper reasons being given.
That office-holders shall not interfere in elections.
That the people's money shall be under the immedi-
ate control of Congress, and not to be kept in boxes,
to be Swartwouted whenever the sub-treasury may
deem necessary.
The protection of American labor by the Clay tariff.
The rights of the people.
The freedom and purity of elections.
The people had faith in Harrison and believed in the
principles he avowed. They elected him by an over-
whelming majority of the electoral and popular votes.
Scarcely a county in the United States increased its
Democratic majority. Van Buren Democracy was
routed "horse, foot and dragoons," and the people
were victorious. The result proving that —
" Easier were it
To hurl the rooted mountain from its base,
Than to force the yoke of slavery upon men
Determined to be free."
This is the moral to be impressed upon the mind.
The many thousands of meetings throughout the Union
we could not mention, nor the names of all the gal-
lant speakers and workers in the great campaign.
Those given are simply as samples illustrative of the
way the work was done. Every man did his duty,
and nobly, too. As to the effect of the cyclone upon
the opposition, we will let the oldest Democratic editor
of Ohio, Hon. Lecky Harper, of the Democratic Ban-
374 Reminiscences of the
ner, tell how it struck him, by extracting from his
communication to the Graphic:
" The campaign opened at Columbus on the 22d of
February, 1840, when the greatest mass-meeting ever
witnessed in this country took place, to which the
writer was an eye-witness. Being then engaged as a
legislative reporter on Medary's Statesman, I was de-
tailed, with others, to write up the grand pageant.
But no imagination could paint and no pen could de-
scribe it. The fifty thousand or more people who drop-
ped into Columbus on that memorable morning, came
from every nook and corner in the State. They came in
log cabins, dressed as old pioneers; and coon-skins and
gourds, and barrels of 'good old hard cider,' were con-
spicuous objects inside and outside of every cabin.
Some of these cabins were fifty feet long, and were
fitted up like boarding-houses, with cooking and sleep-
ing apartments, and were drawn by ten or twenty
horses, and each horse carried a rider, dressed to suit
the momentous occasion. There was no organization
and no speaking to amount to anything, the whole day
being taken up in marching, hurrahing and singing.
It was this singing that did the work. Some of the
songs I shall never forget. They rang in my ears
wherever I went, morning, noon and night, during the
whole of that campaign. Men, women and children
did nothing but sing. It worried, annoyed, dumb-
founded, crushed the Democrats, but there was no use
trying to escape. It was a ceaseless torrent of music;
still beginning, never ending. If a Democrat tried to
speak, argue, or answer anything that was* said or done,
he was only saluted with a fresh deluge of music. If a
Democrat would say that John Tyler was no Whig,
the Whigs would join in a derisive laugh and a song,
which ended with the chorus:
'And we'll vote for Tyler, therefore,
Without a why or wherefore.'
"When compelled to listen to such arguments, many
of the old hard-shell Democrats would become angry:
but this only pleased the Whigs, and they 'rubbed it
Political Campaign of 1840. 375
in ' the harder. The most popular song of the day
was one about 'Tippecanoe and Tyler, too,' one verse
of which I shall quote from memory:
'Oh, what has caused this great commotion, 'motion, 'mo-
tion, the country through ?
It is the ball a rollin' on
For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too,
For Tippecanoe and Tyler, too,
And with them we'll beat little Van.
Van, Van, Van is a used up man,
And with them we'll beat little Van.'
" Well, the bawl, that was thus started at Columbus,
kept 'rollin' on' all over the country. Van Buren
was badly beaten, and Harrison and Tyler were
elected by an overwhelming majority of the popular
as well as the electoral vote of the country."
Was it not burning as with a red hot iron when
Whig songs were so riveted upon the mind of hard-
shell Democrats, that they can correctly " quote from
memory," that which was so distasteful after a lapse of
forty-eight years ? When men, women, and children
did nothing but sing, our hoary-headed old friend, under
the inspiration, joined the choir. The writer can
remember of many wives and daughters of Demo-
crats joining in the singing, and how mad the husbands
and fathers were, and what fantastic tricks some of
them cut in their rage, and all to no purpose; the sing-
ing still went on. We know of daughters being locked
up to prevent their singing Whig songs, and of
their company being unceremoniously turned out of
houses to which they had been invited by irate parents.
And among those who flew into such passion were
many of the most prominent and respectable Demo-
crats of the country. It has seemed strange to us
that nothing should in all these years have been written
to perpetuate the incidents of 1840, when the whole
people may be said to have gone wild for Tippecanoe.
We have collected by considerable effort many of the
best songs of the campaign. Some of them are of a
high order of merit, descriptive of the men and times.
In eloquence they have never been equaled in any
376 Political Campaign of 1840.
subsequent campaign. Well might A. Fletcher say:
" G.ve me the making of the ballads of a nation, and
I care not who makes the laws."
This work is done. With all its imperfections, and
they are many, it goes forth to awaken old memories.
It has been prepared and compiled while in much suf-
fering from " poison oak," and a virulent attack from
coming under the influence of the cursed ivy that is
foolishly let grow upon walls and in yards as an adorn-
ment, has put us to bed and closed our eyes so that
we could give no attention to copy or reading proof.
Harrison and Tyler, Van Buren and Johnson, and
nearly all their supporters have been consigned to the
tomb, and over their ashes a new generation busily
moves on to other contests of rivals for popular honors.
"Now is the stately column broke,
The beacon light is quenched in smoke;
The trumpet's silver sound is still,
The warder silent on the hill."
TIPPECANOE SONGS
OK THE
^oc CABIN BOYS AND GIRLS
OF 1840.
RDITRD RV
A. B. NORTON.
A. R. NORTON & CO.:
M(H NT VKKNON, O.. AND DALLAS, TEXAS.
1888.
Copyright, 1888,
BY A. B. NORTON
All Rights Resewed.
' ..... f.f * i.::. Oe,
AKKON O.
PREFACE.
The songs waked the people up in 1840, and
played a very important part in the great
Revolution. In the cabins, upon the roads, in
the towns and cities, everywhere, sweet voices
were singing the songs for " Tippecanoe and
Tyler too." Those in this book have been col-
lected from all portions of the Union, and were
the most popular in the days of log cabins,
hard cider and coons. The Whigs sang them
loudly. Every Harrison man loved a good song.
"The songs of old, they come to us, and take possession
of our heart;
The words are rude, the measure strange, devoid of orna-
ment or art,
And yet they touch a deeper depth- bring warmer tears
to fill the eyes —
And hold a sweeter, stronger charm than finer songs in
finer guise.
"These Old Tippecanoe ; ongs were made by men who
knew the midnight !oe;
Who caught the arrow on the shield, and swung the
sharp sword's fatal blow;
Who held the helm of rolling ship, and steered their
course by ice cliffs bare;
Who hunted wolves upon the hills or 'fronted lions in
their lair.
4 Preface.
And some were writ by women whose white hands were
wet with salt tears' rain,
Keeping a drear sad watch at home for those that never
came again;
Who broke their hearts in dungeons deep of gloomy
castles closely pent,
Or withered slow in foreign lands, doomed to a life-long
banishment.
" And those old songs have in them now the spirit of the
writers' days:
Each word a well of their old life which rises as the tune
we raise;
And lo! there flows from them to us the feeling, be it stern
or sweet,
And with its added volume makes our smaller, shallower
lives complete."
TIPPECANOE SONGS.
WHIG SONG.
TUNE, "Marseillaise Hymn.'"
Rise! rise! ye freemen! Once 'twas glory
For man t' oppose a tyrant's power,
And who resisted lived in story.
Oh, seize, then, seize the present hour!
Say, shall we slumber, while around us
Oppression's galling chains are cast?
Say, will they lighter hang at last,
To call them gold when they have bound us?
No, no! no, no! Then rise
For our forefathers' laws;
March on, march on! resolved to win
Our favorite hero's cause.
Will flatt'ring tales of coming pleasures,
When plenteousness and peace shall reign,
And all be rich in glittering treasures,
The poor man's present wishes gain?
Will it stay the tide of desolation
That sweeps so strongly o'er our land,
To gorge an office-holding band
And rob the pockets of the nation?
No, no, etc.
O, freemen, up! Let widely flowing
Your banners to the breeze be thrown,
Your love of worth and valor showing;
Your scorn for tyrant knaves make known
Shall men believe the voices telling
In syren tones, your ship of state
Is safe, when all around dark fate
Frowns out in ev'ry wave that's swelling?
No, no, etc.
That statesman-chief who led undaunted
And cheered in strife his warlike band;
Whose praise a grateful nation chaunted;
Who tills, a farmer bold, his land —
Tippccanoc Songs of IS 40.
Shall we neglect for one, who scorning
Our rights, the people's cause;
Who dares to trample on our laws,
Nor list their prayers, their threats, nor warning;
No, no, etc.
DA CAPO CHORUS.
Then rise, rise all for one.
Who ev'rj suffrage claims;
Huzza, for him! a loud huzza!
Who conquered at the Thames.
SHOULD BRAVE SOLDIERS BE FORGOT.
AIR, "Auld Lang Syne"
Should brave old soldiers be forgot?
Should patriots fail to twine
Wreaths, glorious wreaths, for those who fought
In days of old lang syne?
No! long as life endures will we
Deep in our hearts enshrine
The names of those who made us free
In days of old lang syne.
Proud England, gloating o'er her Crown,
And King, and " rights divine,"
Sent forth her slaves to chain us down,
In days of old lang syne;
But Freedom's champions averr'd
They'd make her lion whine,
And nobly did they keep their word,
In days of old lang syne.
They drew a charter, strong and full,
Nor did they fear to sign
The bulletin that pricked John Bull
And cut in every line.
Among those hearts of flint, whose fire
Lit up the flame benign,
Was Harrison — Tip's sainted sire —
A Whig of old lang syne.
But not the father's fame alone
Exalts the soldier son —
He has bright laurels of his own
In hard -fought battles won!
Tippecanoc Songs of 1840.
The W abash banks, Fort Meigs, the Thames;
Their tributes all combine
To rank him high with those whose names
Were dear in old lang syne.
And who's Van Buren? Where and when
Did he lead on the brave,
Or raise his voice or wield his pen
Or ope his purse to save?
While Tip gave fight he styled the war
" Disastrous and malign,"
And richly earned a coat of tar,
As Tories did lang syne.
Let those who love sub-treasury charms,
Hard work and little pay,
Closed working shops and mortgaged farms,
Extol King Martin's sway.
But we have solemnly affirm'd
We will not rest supine
Till Van shall squirm as Croswell squirm'd
And wriggl'd — not lang syne.
The knapsack pillow'd Harry's head.
The hard ground eas'd his toils;
While Martin on his downy bed
Could dream of naught but spoils.
And shall the Blue-light rule the free?
Shall Freedom's star decline?
Forbid it, Heaven! Forbid it ye
Who bled in old lang syne.
Is Harrison one whit the worse
Because he'd not secure,
As Martin did, a long full purse,
But went from office poor!
And does the low " log cabin " hearth
Unfit Old Tip to shine?
Did no log house give nobles birth
In days of old lang syne?
What though the hero's hard " huge paws,"
Were wont to plow and sow!
Does that disgrace our sacred cause!
Does that degrade him? No!
Whig farmers are our nation's nerve,
Its bone, its very spine!
They'll never swerve — they did not swerve
In days of old lang syne.
Tippecanoc Songs of 1840.
No ruffled shirt, no silken hose
No airs does Tip display;
But like " the pith of worth," he goes
In home-spun "hodden-gray."
Upon his board there ne'er appear'd
The costly sparkling wine,
But plain hard cider, such as cheer'd
In days of old lang syne.
Connecticut has raised the heel
Tip's Tory foes to bruise;
And keenly do their vitals feel
The tread of Jersey Blues."
November's ides will give the stroke —
Hard, final and condign —
A blow like that which snapped the yoke
In days of old lang syne.
Yes, Tip must grace the White House!
(Alas for groom and cook)
And Van on kabbitch-stocks must brouse,
At home, sweet home — the 'hook!
Thrice hail, Old Tip! " Log Cabin " Tip!
"Hard-cider Tip!" To you
The helm we give! Hail, noble ship!
Land, ho! The port's in view!
Huzza! huzza! Kind heaven be praised —
The star, the star benign,
Shines bright! — 'tis Freedom's star that blaz'd
In days of old lang syne!
THE SOLDIER OF TIPPECANOE.
DIRGE, "Not a Drum Was Heard"
The stars are bright, and our steps are light
As we sweep to our camping ground,
And well we know, as we forward go,
That the foe fills the greenwood round;
But we know no fear, though the foe be near,
As we tramp the greenwood through,
For oh! have we not for our leader got
The soldier of Tippecanoe.
Now the deep green grass is our soft mattress
Till the beating of reveille;
Tippccanoc Surigs of 18^0. c
No light's in our camp but the fire-fly lamp,
No roof but the greenwood tree.
Brief slumber we snatch, till the morning watch,
But one eye no slumber knew!
One eye was awake for his soldiers' sake,
'Twas the soldier of Tippecanoe!
The faint dawn is breaking, our bugles are speaking,
Quick rouses our lengthened line.
Sweet dreams are departing, the soldier is starting
And welcomes the morning shine.
But, hark! 'tis the drum! the foe is come
Their yells ring the dark wood through;
But see mounted, ready, brave cautious, and steady,
The soldier of Tippecanoe!
Now nigher and nigher, tho' hot in their fire,
And ceaseless the volleying sound,
We press down the hollow, and dauntlessly follow,
Then tramp up the rising ground.
With dealing ardor we press them yet harder,
And still as they come into view,
"Now steady, boys, steady; be quick and be ready!"
Cries the soldier of Tippecanoe!
Down, down drop the foe, and still on we go,
And each thicket and dingle explore;
Loud our shrill bugle sing, till the wild woods ring,
And their rifles are heard no more.
Now weave the green crown of undying renown
For the patriot hero's brow,
And write his name with the halo of fame,
The soldier of Tippecanoe!
THE HARRISON CAUSE.
AIR, "-Bonnets o1 Bine"
Here's a health to him that's just,
Here's a health to him that's true,
And who could not wish success to the man
Who conquered at Tippecanoe?
It is good to be noble and firm,
It is good to be honest and true,
It is good to support our Harrison's cause.
Who stuck to the " red, white and blue."
Huzza for the brave and the true
io Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Who battled at Tippecanoe,
And the heroes whose names
On the bank of the Thames,
Were written in " red, white and blue "
Here's success to him that's firm,
Here's success to him that is wise,
And tho' aged and poor, will give from his store,
When misery ever applies!
Here's a health to the sage of North Bend,
Here's success to the man of the plow,
Here's a health to the man who sticks to his friend,
And lives by the sweat of his brow!
Huzza for the just and the true,
And the hero of Tippecanoe,
And the star-spangled " red, white and blue."
A SONG OF AN OLD SOLDIER.
TUNE, "Old Oaken Bucket.'"
Oh, dear to my soul are the days of our glorv,
The time-honored days of our national pride,
When heroes and statesmen enobled our story,
And boldly the foes of our country defied,
When victory hung o'er our flag proudly waving
And the battle was fought by the valiant and true,
For our homes and our loved ones the enemy braving,
Oh, then stood the soldier of Tippecanoe.
The iron armed soldier, the true-hearted soldier.
The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe.
When dark was the tempest and hovering o'er us,
The clouds of destruction seemed gathering fast,
Like a ray of bright sunshine he stood out before us,
And the clouds passed away with the hurrying blast,
When the Indian's loud yell and his tomahawk flashing,
Spread terror around us, and hope was with few.
Oh, then, through the ranks of the enemy dashing,
Sprang forth to the rescue old Tippecanoe.
The iron-armed soldier, the true-hearted soldier,
The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe.
When cannons were pealing and brave men were reeling
In the cold arms of death from the fire of the foe,
Where balls flew the thickest and blows fell the quickest
In front of the battle bold Harry did go.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 1 1
The force of the enemy trembled before him,
And soon from the field of his glory withdrew,
And his warm-hearted comrades in triumph cried o'er him,
God bless the bold soldier of Tippecanoe!
The iron-armed soldier, the true-hearted soldier,
The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe.
And now since the men have so long held the nation
Who trampled our rights in their scorn to the ground,
We will fill their cold hearts with a new trepidation
And shout in their ears this most terrible sound:
The people are coming, resistless and fearless,
To sweep from the White House the reckless old crew;
For the woes of our land, since its rulers are tearless
We look for relief to old Tippecanoe.
The iron-armed soldier, the true-hearted soldier,
The gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe.
OLD TIPPECANOE.
Hurrah for the Father of all the green West!
For the Buckeye who follows the plow!
The foeman in terror his valor confest,
And we'll honor the conqueror now.
His country assailed in the darkest of days,
To her rescue impatient he flew;
The war whoop's fell blast, and the rifle's red blaze,
But awakened old Tippecanoe!
On Maumee's dark waters, along with brave Wayne,
Green laurels he glean'd with his sword,
But when peace on the country came smiling again,
His steel to the scabbard restored.
But wise in the council, as brave in the field,
His country still asked for his aid;
And the birth of voung empires his wisdom revealed
The sage and the statesman displayed.
But the red torch of war, the tomahawk's gleam
To the battle again called the true;
And there where the stars and the stripes brightly stream,
Rushed the hero of Tippecanoe.
Now hark! from the far frozen winds of the North
What battle shouts burden the gale ?
1 2 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
The hosts of Old England ride gallantly forth.
And the captive and conquered bewailt.
His country recalls the bold chieftain she loves,
The sword of Old Tip she reclaims;
And victory heralds wherever he moves
The path of the hero of Thames!
Hurrah for the hero of Tippecanoe —
The farmer who plows at North Bend !
A soldier so brave, and a patriot so true,
Will find in each freeman a friend.
Hurrah for the log-cabin chief of our choice!
For the old Indian fighter hurrah!
Hurrah! and from mountain and valley the voice
Of the people re-echoes—hurrah!
Then come to the ballot-box — boys come along.
He never lost battle for you;
Let's down with oppression and tyranny's throng,
And up with Old Tippecanoe.
TO THE AMERICAN FLAG AND HARRISON.
AIR, "Sparkling and Bright"
See in the light of glory bright.
Each star and stripe proudly beaming,
Our flag once more unfurled to the war,
To the breeze of reform now streaming.
CHORUS.
Your goblets fill with a free good will,
To the chief renowned in story;
Pledge your faith to him on the beaker's brim
To speed him onward to glory.
Oh! that he might arrest the blight
Destroying our dominions,
Yet first awhile he must beguile
The spoiler of his minions.
Chorus — Your goblets fill, etc.
Our hero bright will stop the wight,
And all his friends shall leave him,
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 13
And every one, for our Harrison,
With loud huzza's shall grieve him.
Chorus— Your goblets fill, etc.
When high in state we'll place elate,
By his side our flag unwaved;
Loud be our cheers, when the hero for years,
Plants that flag o'er a Union saved.
Chorus — Your goblets fill, etc.
SONG FOR JIM CROW.
TUNE, "Tell Chapman He Must Crow."
Let all de British Tory,
Who feel very low,
Keep stiff de upper lip,
And give a loud crow.
Brag about and bet about —
And grin just so;
And every time you meet a Whig,
Give a loud crow.
Massa Kendall give de order,
"Charge on de foe!"
Se neber be down-hearted,
But give a loud crow !
Brag about, etc.
Old Missus Grundy,
Who eberything do know,
He tell de loco,
" Give a loud crow ! "
Brag, etc.
Old Massa Ritchie —
He say just so —
Stick to de dunghill,
And give a loud crow!
Brag, etc.
Dere is Louisiana,
No matter how she go —
Only claim the battle,
And give a loud crow!
Brag, etc.
14 Ttppecanoe Song's of 1840.
Massa Van be frightened,
Everybody know,
Still he scold at Amos
'Cause he doesn't crow!
Brag about and boast about-
And strut just so,
And never lose de spirits,
But give a loud crow !
GENERAL HARRISON.
AIR, ^Pizeti Sarpient"
When the British foemen swarmed around,
And burnt our cabins to the ground,
Ri tu ral, etc.
A gallant boy, brave Harrison,
By noble deeds bright laurels won,
Ri tu ral, etc.
He fought by Wayne, where brave men bled,
And where the ground was strown with dead,
Ri tu ral, etc.
And where the battle fiercest seemed
His ready blade to combat gleamed,
Ri tu ral, etc.
He spent long years in hardy fight,
And always kept his laurels bright,
Ri tu ral, etc.
And when with peace our land was blest,
We find him on his farm at rest,
Ri tu ral, etc.
No prying demagogue was he,
But honest, noble, brave and free,
Ri tu ral, etc.
He would not barter truth for gold —
His mind was never bought and sold,
Ri tu ral, etc.
To great men's skirts he never hung,
As Martin to brave Jackson's clung,
Ri tu ral, etc.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
But all alone he trod the way,
Where honors thick around him lay,
Ri tu ral, etc.
The White House will by him be rilled,
For so the yeomanry have willed,
Ri tu ral, etc.
HURRAH FOR OLD TIP.
Old Tip's the boy to swing the flail,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
And make the locos all turn pale,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
He'll give them all a tarnal switching
When he begins to " clare de kitchen! "
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
Plowboys! though he leads in battle,
.He's a team in raisin' cattle,
And tho' old Proctor at him kicked,
He is the chap that ne'er was licked,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
His latch-string hangs outside the door,
As it has always done before;
The people vow he shall be sent
To Washington as President,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
In all the States no door stands wider,
To ask you in tq drink hard cider,
But any man's "given to grabbin',''
Ne'er can enter his log cabin,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
For such as Swartwout, Price and Bovd,
His honest soul will e'er avoid,
And poverty the thinks no crime,
But welcomes it at dinner time,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
So here's three cheers for honest Tip,
We've got the locos on the hip —
We'll row them all far up Salt river,
There let. them stand to shake and shiver,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
1 6 Tippccanoe Songs of 1SJ/0.
LOG CABIN LYRICS.
AIR, " There's Nae Luck About tJ/e House"
Come let us join with heart and voice,
And hail the people's friend,
And send to Washington our choice —
The hero of North Bend.
For there's no luck at the White House,
There will be none at a'
Till Martin and his myrmidons,
Are driven far awa'.
The cabinet assembled there,
While thousands in each State
Have not wherewith to purchase food,
They dine off golden plate.
O! there's no luck at the White House.
Then let us vote for Harrison,
And turn out scheming Van;
Capsize his kitchen cabinet,
And rout the loco clan.
For there's no luck at the White House.
AN INVITATION TO THE LOG CABIN BOYS
TO OLD TIPPECANOE'S RAISIN'.
TUNE, "The Good Old Days of Adam and Ere."
Come all you log-cabin boys, we're going to have a raisin',
We've got a job on hand that we think will pe pleasin',
We'll turn out and build Old Tip a new cabin,
And finish it off with chinkin' and daubin'.
We want all the log-cabin boys in the nation,
To be on the ground when we lay the foundation;
And we'll make all the office holders think its amazin'
To see how we work at Old Tippecanoe's raisin'.
On the thirtieth day of next October,
We'll take some hard cider, but we'll all keep sober;
We'll shoulder our axes and cut down the timber
And have our cabin done by the second of December,
We'll have it well chink'd and we'll have on the cover,
Of good sound clapboards, with the weight poles over,
And a good wide chimney for the fire to blaze in,
So come on, boys, to Old Tippecanoe's raisin'.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. i*]
Ohio will find the house-log timber,
And old Virginia, as you'll remember,
Will find the timber for the clapboards and chinkin',
'Twill all be first rate stuff, I'm thinkin'.
And when we want to daub it, it happens very lucky,
That we have got the best of clay in old Kentucky,"
For there's no other State has such good clays in,
To make the mortar for Old Tippecanoe's raisin'.
For the hauling of the logs we'll call on Pennsylvania,
For their Conestoga teams will pull as well as any,
And the Yankee States and York State and all of the
others,
Will come and help us lift like so many brothers.
The Hoosiers and the Suckers and the Wolverine Farmers,
They all know the right way to carry up the corners,
And every one's a good enough carpenter and mason,
To do a little work at Old Tippecanoe's raisin'.
We'll cut out a window and have a wide door in,
We'll lay a good loft and a first rate floor in,
We'll fix it all complete, for Old Tip to see his friends in,
And we know that the latch-string will never have its
end in.
On the fourth day of March Old Tip will move in it,
And then little Martin will have to shin it;
So hurrah boys, there's no two ways in
The fun we'll have at Old Tippecanoe's raisin'.
YE SOLDIERS OF FREEDOM.
TUNE, "Bonaparte's Return from Russia"
Ye soldiers of freedom, pray stand to your arms,
Prepare for the battle, our freedom alarms;
The trumpets are sounding, come soldiers and see
The standard and colors of sweet liberty.
Though Van's black organ is sounding so near,
Take courage, brave soldiers, his powers don't fear;
In the strength of our freedom, we dare him to fight.
We'll put his black powers of aliens to flight.
As the great Alexander, Van Buren shall fall;
With the emblem of freedom we'll conquer them all;
We'll leave no oppressor alive on the field,
By the strength of the patriots we'll force them to yield.
2*
1 8 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Through Harrison our leader we'll battle their rage;
My heart beats for freedom, come soldiers engage;
The drums are sounding, the armies appear,
We'll not leave one standing from front to rear.
Old Tip, he is riding, the fort on before,
With a keg of hard cider to treat us once more,
Some shouting, some singing, for Harrison they cry,
In the great cause of freedom all gags we defy.
WHAT HAS CAUSED THIS GREAT COM-
MOTION ?
TUNE, "Little Pigs Tail."
What has caused the great commotion, motion, motion,
Our country through ?
It is the ball a roiling on, on.
CHORUS.
For Tippecanoe and Tyler too — Tippecanoe and Tyler too,
And with them we'll beat little Van, Van, Van,
Van is a used up man,
And with them we'll beat little Van.
Like the rushing of mighty waters, waters, waters,
On it will go,
And in its course will clear the way
For Tippecanoe, etc.
See the loco standard tottering, tottering, tottering,
Down it must go,
And in it's place we'll rear the flag
Of Tippecanoe, etc.
Don't you hear from every quarter, quarter, quarter,
Good news and true,
That swift the ball is rolling on
For Tippecanoe, etc.
The Buckeye boys turned out in thousands, thousands,
Not long ago,
And at Columbus set their seals,
To Tippecanoe, etc.
Now you hear the Van Jacks talking, talking, talking,
Things look quite blue,
For all the world seems turning round,
For Tippecanoe, etc.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 19
Let them talk about hard cider, cider, cider,
And log cabins too,
'Twill only help to speed the ball
For Tippecanoe, etc.
The latch-string hangs outside the door, door, door,
And is never pulled through,
For it never was the custom of
Old Tippecanoe, etc.
He always has his table set, set, set,
For all honest and true,
And invites them in to take a bite
With Tippecanoe, etc.
See the spoilsmen and leg treasurers, treas, treas,
All in a stew,
For well they know they stand no chance
With Tippecanoe, etc.
Little Matty's days are number'd, number'd, number'd,
Out he must go,
And in the chair we'll place the good
Old Tippecanoe, etc.
Now who shall we have for our governor, governor,
Who, tell me who ?
Let's have Tom Corwin, for he's a team
For Tippecanoe and Tyler too — Tippecanoe and Tyler too,
And with him we'll beat Wilson Shannon, Shannon,
Shannon is a used up man,
And with him we'll beat Wilson Shannon!
OLD TIP'S BROOM.
TUNE, "Buy a Broom"
Come, patriots, come, and let's clare out the kitchen,
Let's sweep out the parlor and clean the east room,
Drive out the magrician, who long has been witching,
His schemes to dissolve, let us try a new broom:
Take a broom — Old Tip's broom!
Come, every true Whig, and help handle the broom.
To nullify subs that so long have annoyed us
And have fattened themselves from the treasury spoils,
2o Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Will be the best exercise that ever employed us,
And well will reward us for all of our toils:
Take a broom—Old Tip's broom ?
Come, all ye true Democrats, take Old Tip's broom.
We all know our rights, let us dare to maintain them.
And sign the death warrant of Martin's downfall:
He reads not the signs, let our Daniel explain them,
Interpret the writing that's writ on the wall:
Take a broom— Old Tip's broom ?
Come, lovers of freedom, come take Old Tip's broom.
When the contest shall come, let us all do our duty,
And make a clean sweep of our twenty-six rooms;
We'll send the experiments' crew and their booty
To south seas exploring, with lots of old brooms:
Take a broom— Old Tip's broom ?
Come, patriot sweepers, and use a new broom.
Reform the reformers and sweep out corruption,
Let tyrants and spoilsmen, with faces of gloom
Hear the rumbling and throes of the earthquake's eruption,
The voice of a nation deciding their doom:
Take a broom — Old Tip's broom ?
To sweep out corruption, come take a new broom.
The new broom of him whom they call Old Granny,
Shall sweep out the suckers of treasury pap;
The vampires that lived on the blood of the many,
While we, the dear people, were taking a nap:
Take a broom — Old Tip's broom ?
Wake, Democrats, wake ! and let's try a new broom.
When we were deceived by a Hickory hero,
Our credit was wither 'd at his fatal touch;
Now we are insulted by this modern Nero,
Who says we are looking to him for too much:
Take a broom— Old Tip's broom ?
No longer be slaves, come and try a new broom.
And when little Matty is out of employment,
With bloodhounds and broomstick, far south he might go ;
In the everglade wars, he might find some enjoyment,
And end a long contest by flogging the foe;
Take a broom — take a broom ?
[Spoken. Take Tip's broom ?]
[Spoken. In the everglade swamps, among the frogs
with his dogs, don't you think he'd find Sam Jones ?]
Come, patriots, come, let us try a new broom.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 2 1
To end all this warring, defaulting and scheming.
This war upon labor, and credit, and banks,
On commerce and trading, a new light is gleaming,
The people will soon put an end to their pranks,
With a broom— Old Tip's broom,
They'll drive out the spoilers by using Tip's broom.
THE LOG CABIN AND HARD CIDER
CANDIDATE.
TUNE, fAuld Lang Syne."
Should good old cider be despised,
And ne'er regarded more?
Should plain log cabins be despised,
Our fathers built of yore ?
For the true old style, my boys!
For the true old style ?
Let's take a mug of cider, now,
For the true old style.
We've tried experiments enough
Of fashions new and vain,
And now we long to settle down
To good old times again.
For the good old ways, my boys!
For the good old ways,
Let's take a mug of cider, now,
For the good old ways.
We've tried your purse-proud lords, who love
In palaces to shine;
But we'll have a plowman President
Of the Cincinnatus line.
For old North Bend, my boys!
For old North Bend,
We'll take a mug of cider, yet,
For old North Bend.
We've tried the "greatest and the best,"
And found him bad enough;
And he who "in the footsteps treads"
Is yet more sorry stuff.
For the brave old Thames, my boys!
For the brave old Thames,
We'll take a mug of cider, yet,
For the brave old Thames.
22 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Then give 's a hand, my boys!
And here's a hand for you,
And we'll quaff the good old cider yet
For Old Tippecanoe.
For Old Tippecanoe, my boys!
For Old Tippecanoe,
We'll take a mug of cider, yet,
For Old Tippecanoe.
And surely you'll give your good vote,
And surely I will, too;
And we'll clear the way to the White House, yet,
For Old Tippecanoe.
For Tip-pe-canoe, my boys,
For Tip-pe-canoe,
We'll take a mug of cider, yet,
For Tippecanoe.
"ANOTHER SONG."
The Whigs they are rising all over the land,
And resolving, as brethren should do,
To bury dissensions, and join hand in hand
In the cause of Old Tippecanoe.
The voice of their country now calls them, and they,
As patriots faithful and true,
Can never refuse her commands to obey,
While led by Old Tippecanoe.
Then rally, brave boys, with your banners on high,
And the motto unfolded to view,
" For our country to conquer, or in battle to die,"
By the side of Old Tippecanoe.
The Tories full long have triumphant appeared,
But now they begin to feel blue,
For they know that a tyrant has never yet dared,
To stand before Tippecanoe.
His cabin is built up, of logs all unhewn,
(They say, and we grant it is true,)
But " another guess " house they'll discover full soon,
Is destined for Tippecanoe.
His " cider's too hard " for our stomachs, say they,
And admit it we readily do,
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 23
But harder, by far, on their shoulders will lay,
The lash of Old Tippecanoe.
" He is old," they exclaim, but for that we don't care,
For so was Old Hickory too,
The older, the tougher to them will appear
The arm of Old Tippecanoe.
But, besides, " he is poor," and can never withstand
The gold of Van Buren & Co.;
But poor as he is, all the wealth of the land,
Can't "buy up" Old Tippecanoe.
And tho' the base minions of power may sneer,
As^their master compels them to do,
They cannot regard without quaking and fear,
The march of Old Tippecanoe.
For the chaps that surround him are "just of the sort,"
To " lick up " a Tory or two;
A keen set of fellows, so runs the report,
Are the soldiers of Tippecanoe.
Then rally, brave boys, with your banners on high.
And the motto unfolded to view,
For our country to conquer, or in battle to die,
By the side of "Old Tippecanoe."
YOU REMEMBER THE TIME.
TUNE, "Tou Remember It, Don't You"
You remember the time when our sires sought the West,
To find a safe home for the friends they loved best —
How each hill and each valley a foeman concealed,
And each plain the red warrior in armor revealed ?
You remember it, don't you ?
Oh! think of it, won't you ?
Yes, yes, of all this the remembrance shall last
Long after the present fades into the past.
You remember the era, when Wayne with his legion,
Drove the merciless foe from this blood -sprinkled region,
The gallant young soldier the foremost in fight,
Who pursued the wild foe in his perilous flight ?
You remember it, don't you ?
Oh! think of it, won't you ?
24 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Yes, yes, of all this the remembrance shall last
Long after the present fades into the past.
You remember, years after, in the progress of time,
How this same gallant soldier, who was then in his prime,
Drove far from our border the wild savage foe,
And the Briton, at Thames, Meigs, and Tippecanoe ?
You remember it, don't you ?
Oh! think of it, won't you ?
Yes, yes, of all this the remembrance shallj.last
Long after the present fades into the past.
You remember the man who, when war's dread commotion,
Spread over the land, and the fathomless ocean —
Or when peace cast her blessings our wide country o'er,
Who was ever a father and a friend to the poor ?
You remember him, don't you ?
Oh! think of him, won't you ?
Yes, yes, of this man, the remembrance shall last
Long after the present fades into the past.
When tyrant oppression walks abroad in the land,
And spreads want and disaster with a merciless hand
Who boldly steps forward her hope to renew ?
' Tis the gallant old soldier of Tippecanoe !
You remember him, don't you ?
You will think of him, won't you ?
Oh, yes, of all this, the remembrance will last.
Long after the present fades into the past.
And when the oppressors are scattered afar.
Their forces all vanquished and sunken their star —
The drama then ended, our hopes bright and true,
He will join in a concert to Tippecanoe.
And we'll remember each blunder,
While he's flying with plunder
Of the wily magician caught napping at last,
Long after the spoilers from pow'r are cast.
THE TIMES ARE GROWING HOT.
TUNE, " Yankee Doodle."
The times are growing hot, they say,
Van Burenites are few, sir;
Old Tip and Tyler take the day,
As such good Whigs should do, sir.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 25
The people think of other days,
When Indian yells were loud, sir;
They call'd the General far away,
From out the youthful crowd, sir.
' Twas Washington, with soldier's eye,
Who saw the hero plain, sir,
And bade him march to do or die,
Triumphant o'er the slain, sir.
He march'd into the distant West,
With patriot heart and hand, sir;
' Tis useless now to tell the rest,
He thrash'd the Indian band, sir.
His country free, her warriors sav'd,
He seeks his much lov'd home, sir,
But soon he hears the cry again,
Our enemies are come, sir.
He seeks again the tented field,
And lands on British soil, sir;
Where Proctor went it with a rush,
And Thames records the toil, sir.
They could'nt come it over Tip,
He's always wide awake, sir,
He only wanted half a chance,
His enemies to take, sir.
He ruled the land his valor won
With laws both good and right, sir,
And proved himself a glorious son
Of one who swore he'd fight, sir.
In Congress next we see Old Tip,
The soldiers' cause he plead, sir;
The living there a pension got,
And honor for the dead, sir.
The western lands he portion'd out
In farms that all might buy, sir;
The honest poor their portion took,
And now they're 'mong the high, sir.
The ship of State's in trouble now,
There's war upon her border,
Old Tip, they say, must take the helm,
The people give the order.
26 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Come swell the shout, ye noble hearts,
Like Tip, we fear no jell, sir;
Let all who hear me act their parts,
The locos to expel, sir.
The dandy Mat shall stand aside,
Perhaps in Eaton's room, sir;
' Neath petticoats he there may hide,
Or act the part of groom, sir.
One shout for Tip, long, loud and high,
And then my song is o'er, sirs;
Ye locos bid your spoils good-bye,
Ye'll get them now no more, sirs.
OLD TIPPECANOE.
TUNE, "Rosin the Boiv."
A bumper around, now, my hearties,
I'll sing you a song that is new;
I'll please to the buttons, all parties,
And sing of old Tippecanoe.
When first near the Thames' gentle waters,
My sword for my country I drew,
I fought for America's daughters,
Long side of Old Tippecanoe.
Ere this, too, when danger assailed us,
And Indians their dread missiles threw,
His counsel and courage availed us,
We conquered at Tippecanoe.
And when all the troubles were ended,
I flew to the girls that I knew,
They promptly declared they intended
To kiss me for Old Tippecanoe.
And now that the good of the nation
Requires that something we do,
We'll hurl little Van from his station,
And elevate Tippecanoe.
Again and again fill your glasses,
Bid Martin Van Buren adieu,
We'll please ourselves and the lasses,
And vote for Old Tippecanoe.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 27
OLD TIPPECANOE.
TUNE, '•'•Rosin the Boiv"
Ye Vanites of wide Pennsylvania,
Of every old State and each new;
Take warning, come out with the many,
And vote for Old Tippecanoe!
And vote for Old Tippecanoe;
Take warning, come out with the many,
And vote for Old Tippecanoe!
We've multiplied here past endurin',
Blair and Rives begin to look blue,
They see there's no chance for Van Buren,
In a fight with Old Tippecanoe.
In a fight with, etc.
The little Magician, he sickens
At the sight of Delaware, too;
When the blue hen calls her game chickens,
To fight for Old Tippecanoe!
To fight for, etc.
Both New York and New Jersey are ours,
Massachusetts, Connecticut, too;
And Vermont with her green mountain flow'rs
Will flourish for Tippecanoe!
Will flourish, etc.
We'd a brush in Rhode Island lately,
To show them what Yankees could do;
And we flog'd 'em all most completely,
In the name of Old Tippecanoe!
In the name, etc.
And in old never tire Virginny,
They've found of good Whigs, not a few;
A State, sirs! I'll hold you a guinea,
Goes hollow for Tippecanoe!
Goes hollow, etc.
Who flies to the rescue ? Kentucky,
With hearts, gallant, loyal and true;
We'll beat them with brave men and lucky
Harry Clay and Tippecanoe!
Harry Clay, etc.
Illinois, Indiana, Ohio,
Their towns and green prairies go thro',
28 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
You'll hear from each nook of the trio,
Loud shouts for Old Tippecanoe.
Loud shouts, etc.
On Michigan's shores and Missouri.
The ball is in motion, 'tis true;
But Benton cries out in a fury,
'Tis rolling tow'rds Tippecanoe.
'Tis rolling, etc.
Mississippi, Louisiana,
Tennessee, Al'bama here view,
They send from each hill and savanna,
Their voices for Tippecanoe.
Their voices, etc.
Should I name all those who are for us,
'Tis plain I should never get through;
Rejoice in the prospect before us,
Huzza! for Old Tippecanoe.
Huzza! for, etc.
But before I finish my cMtty,
I'll claim patriot Maryland, too;
And hail! noble monument city,
Where we gather for Tippecanoe!
Where we gather, etc.
THE ROUGH LOG CABIN.
I love the rough log cabin
It tells of olden time,
When a hardy and an honest class
Of freemen in their prime,
First left their fathers' peaceful home
Where all was joy and rest
With their axes on their shoulders,
And sallied for the West.
Of logs they built a sturdy pile,
With slabs they roofed it o'er;
With wooden latch and hinges rude
They hung the clumsy door.
And for the little window lights,
In size two feet by two,
They used such sash as could be got
In regions that were new.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 29
The chimney was composed of slats
Well interlaid with clay,
Forming a sight we seldom see
In this a later day;
And here, on stones for fire-dogs,
A rousing fire was made;
While round it sat a hardy crew
" With none to make afraid."
I love the old log cabin —
For here, in early days,
Long dwelt the honest Harrison,
As every loco says;
And when he is our President,
Which one year more will see,
In good hard cider we will toast
And cheer him three times three.
THE FARMER OF NORTH BEND.
TUNE, "Atild Lang Syne."
Can grateful freemen slight his claims
Who bravely did defend,
Their lives and fortunes on the Thames,
The farmer of North Bend ?
The farmer of North Bend, my boys,
The farmer of North Bend,
We'll give a right good hearty vote
To the farmer of North Bend.
The trump of fame in storied song
The patriot's deeds shall tell,
And freedom's voice the strain prolong,
The gladsome chorus swell.
The gladsome chorus swell, my boys,
The gladsome chorus swell,
We'll join to-night in merry song,
The gladsome chorus swell.
The chieftain heard the stirring drum,
And bent his soldier's bow,
But victor soon — he hastened home,
His farming fields to mow,
His farming fields to mow, my boys,
His farming fields to mow,
Exchanged the saber for the scythe,
His farming fields to mow.
30 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Though youthful valor bravely won
The laurel for his brow,
Yet victory's own triumphant son
Now holds the yeoman's plow.
Now holds the yeoman's plow, my boys,
Now holds the yeoman's plow,
And soon we'll try his trusty hand
To hold the nation's plow.
Now hear the note, his country's call,
From the hill-tops and the shore,
It comes from camp, and cot, and hall,
And all the valleys o'er.
And all the valleys o'er, my boys,
And all the valleys o'er,
It calls him to the rescue, boys,
From all the valleys o'er.
The hero who, long years ago,
Once wore the warrior's mail,
Now comes to beat the yeoman's foe,
A farmer with his flail.
A farmer with his flail, my boys,
A farmer with his flail,
And they'll get a right gude threshing, yet,
From the farmer with his ffail.
Then cheer we up, my boys, to-night,
A helping hand we lend,
And pledge the old Kevstone to-night,
To the farmer of North Bend.
To the farmer of North Bend, mv boys,
To the farmer of North Bend,
We'll pledge the old Keystone to-night,
To the farmer of North Bend.
HARRISON SONG.
TUNE, "Star -Spangled Banner"
Oh say have you heard how in days that are past,
Bold sons of the West with brave Harrison leading,
At the bugle's shrill call and the trumpet's loud blast,
To the battle-field rush'd where our frontiers lay bleeding;
Hark! with the loud acclaim,
How they shout at the name,
Of the hero predestin'd to guide them to fame!
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 31
Oh! the name of our Harrison, long may it stand
The boast of our country, the pride of our land!
Hark! loud rings the war-whoop o'er forest and plain,
And the savage and Briton in bloody alliance
Bringing havoc and death in their murderous train,
To the brave sons of Freedom are bidding defiance;
But when Harrison came,
At the sound of his name,
They trembled and fled in confusion and shame;
Oh! the name of brave Harrison, long may it stand
The boast of our country, the pride of our land!
Unmov'd and serene the brave Harrison stood
'Mid the din of the strife and the cannon's dead rattle,
And Tecumseh and Proctor, twin monsters of blood,
By their death or their flight prov'd his prowess in battle,
And victory flew,
To his flag ever true,
At Fort Meigs and the Thames and at Tippecanoe!
Oh! the name of the brave Harrison, long may it stand
The boast of our country, the pride of our land!
Oh, long as the fame of our country endures
Be the names of her heroes embalmed in her story,
How her Jackson defended, her Washington saved,
And her Harrison fill'd up her measured glory;
Then long may the men
Of the "Log Cabin" strain,
Stand true to the cause of the pupil of Wayne;
Oh! the name of Harrison, long may it stand
The boast of our country, the pride of our land!
THE UNITED STATES.
TUNE, "Bay of Biscay, O."
Van Buren on the weather tack,
Our gallant ship did sail,
When she was struck aback,
By a wild and sweeping gale.
For a long time drear and dark,
Was the Constitution bark,
Tossed by tides,
Till on the ides,
In Loco Foco Bay.
32 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Her topsails in ribbons fly,
And her yards were blown away
As the waves roll'd mountain high,
For many a stormy day.
No vessel can we spy,
And no harbor now is nigh,
Till on the ides,
Toss'd by tides,
In Loco Foco Bay.
And the stormy petrels flew
Thro' the feathery ocean's foam,
As the bark and her poor crew
On the raging seas do roam,
While the spirits of the clouds,
Peal'd their war-notes on her shrouds,
Till on the ides,
Toss'd by tides,
In Loco Foco Bay.
But a gallant boat's in view,
Dancing lightly o'er the wave,
'Tis pilot Tippecanoe,
Bearing down the ship to save.
Hurrah! give him three cheers,
As upon deck he appears:
For now we sail,
With the gale,
From Loco Foco Bay.
A SONG.
TUNE, "Hail Columbia."
Immortal patriot bright in arms,
Whose breast the fire of freedom warms,
Defender of our hearths and homes,
Defender of our hearths and homes,
The scalping knife fell from the hand,
That raised it o'er our boasted land.
The savage yell'd and conquered fled,
Britain lowered her plumed head;
Proctor yielded to thy skill —
Victor then, victorious still.
Firmly to our standard flock,
Freemen stand like solid rock,
Tides of slander cannot shake,
Traitors' hearts alone shall quake.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. • 33
Then rise above the servile dust,
To deeds of glory pure and just;
Our hero's fame still fadeless blooms,
Our hero's fame still fadeless blooms,
Let slander hide her dastard head,
The ground is safe on which we tread;
So rally to the standard on,
Sons of sires like Washington;
Let the battle well be fought,
Glory's best when dearest bought.
Firmly to our standard flock,
Freemen stand like solid rock,
Tides of slander cannot shake,
Traitors' hearts alone shall quake.
Lo, now a grateful people rise,
With cheers exulting rend the skies,
Brave Harrison in loud huzzas,
Brave Harrison in loud huzzas,
From East to West the echo rings,
And Freedom flaps her airy wings.
Rejoiced to see her reign prolonged,
By millions round the hero throng'd;
Hoist the banners high in air,
Grateful hearts are everywhere.
Firmly to our standard flock,
Freemen stand like solid rock,
Tides of slander cannot shake,
Traitors' hearts alone shall quake.
HAVE YOU HEARD THE GOOD NEWS.
TUNE, "Rosin the Botv"
Have you heard the good news from Virgin'a,
That makes all the locos look blue?
She has hauled down the flag of Van Buren,
And hoisted Old Tippecanoe.
Old Ritchie & Co. told "the party"
That the State for Van Buren was true;
But the log-cabin boys gave them battle,
And conquered for Tippecanoe.
The locos they worked like all nature,
And told all their lies old and new;
But the cabin boys said you can't come it,
We are going for Tippecanoe.
3*
34 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Rhode Island we've got and Virginia,
And we've taken Connecticut too;
In '36 each was for Martin,
But now they're for Tippecanoe.
Ten cheers for the ancient dominion;
Ten cheers for our triumph in view;
We will beat them as bad in October,
As Old Tip did at Tippecanoe.
Huzza for the rest of the Union;
Huzza for our cause good and true;
Huzza, for John Tyler, Tom Corwin,
And huzza, for Old Tippecanoe.
GENERAL HARRISON.
TUNE, "Tke Lament."
Hark! with shouts, the air is rending,
Of the white man's savage foe;
Now their cruel course is bending
To the work of death and woe.
Hear the cries of widows weeping
For a murdered husband, son;
Low in death forever sleeping,
Did they spare them? No, not one.
Now their savage bosoms swelling;
To destroy, their only aim;
See! they burn the lowly dwelling;
See destruction in their train.
They, with stealthy steps are treading,
To secure their feeble prey;
Now, in fear, the white man dreading,
Unpursued they flee away.
Hear! the trump of war is sounding;
See an injured people come;
See the red man's host surrounding;
See the gallant Harrison.
He. his country's rights defending,
Has no cause but that alone;
He, the foe's proud power rending,
Ranks on ranks, has overthrown.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 35
Now the cannon loudly roaring,
In destruction on the foe;
Now in vengeance death is pouring,
Lays the haughty chieftain low.
Now from battle he's returning
With the spoils his valor won;
See, with joy his bosom burning;
See our own, our Harrison.
Now in safety he's returning;
Joy to those who lived in dread;
They, in silence, now imploring
Choicest blessings on his head.
Now once more his way is wending
To his pleasant rural home;
Now his golden fields is 'tending,
In domestic pleasures roam.
Now in life he's fast declining,
Yet in wisdom holds his sway;
Round his head he's fast entwining
Sages' counsel, brightest ray.
Now ye people — now ye nation,
Ere life's feeble course is run,
To the high exalted station,
Raise your own, your Harrison.
HARK TO THE WARNING.
TUNE, "All the Blue Bonnets."
All praise to the hero, the statesman, the farmer,
As threefold his title, be threefold his fame;
The strong arm is stronger, the warm heart is warmer
When touched by the magic of Harrison's name.
Hark! to the warning a nation has spoken —
It rolls from the mountain, it springs from the plain,
Down with the spoilers, their trust who have broken,
And up with the standard of freedom again!
He calls on the wealthy, whose store he protected,
The poor man whose pittance he labored to save;
36 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
The patriot, who frowns not on merit neglected,
The soldier, who honors the noble and brave.
Hark! to the warning, etc.
Bj the toils and the dangers that sadden his story,
By the blood that he poured with the blood of the foe,
By the homes that he fought for, his triumphs his glory
He calls us to aid him, to strike the last blow.
Hark! to the warning, etc.
Then up at his call — speed the plow my good neighbors,
To the fields so long barren, all eagerly come;
Soon autumn shall yield the rewards of our labors,
And the land shall be glad with its new harvest-home.
Hark! to the warning, etc.
Then shout to the hero, and forth swell the chorus,
More loud than the war-whoop that died at his voice;
Will the agent of ruin fly trembling before us,
And the country, redeemed at their downfall, rejoice.
Hark! to the warning, etc.
NEW NATIONAL WHIG SONG.
AIR, "Hail to the Chief Who in Triumph Advances."1
Hail to the chief, for whom triumph advances,
Honored and blest by the people anew,
Long may the Buckeye's green o'erspreading branches
Shelter the hero of Tippecanoe!
North, send it happy dew;
South, send it sap anew;
Firmly to flourish as broadly it grew
Whilst every hill and plain
Echoes, in joyful strain,
Harrison! hero of Tippecanoe!
Our's is no dandy — no poor man's oppressor,
Blooming in power — next winter to fade,
When the people shall point out to Martin's successor
Oh! then shall our hero emerge from the shade.
First in the nation's choice;
Called by the people's voice;
Proudly they'll welcome the veteran anew,
Who at Fort Meigs and Thames
Was his country's and fame's —
Harrison! hero of Tippecanoe!
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 37
Loudly our tocsin was thrilled through the nation,
With Harrison's banner unfurled o'er the land.
The proud Old Dominion has taken her station,
The Empire and Keystone are taking their stand,
The Buckeye and the Bay States
We count on as first rates
To carry the gallant old veteran through;
For, tired of dallying
The people are rallying
For Harrison! hero of Tippecanoe!
Rise! freemen, rise! for the hope of the nation,
Vote for the hero and pride of the West,
Whose fitness to fill so exalted a station
His virtues both private and public attest,
Firm to his country's cause;
True to her outraged laws,
Keeping her honor and glory in view,
Triumph will grace him
Wherever we place him —
Harrison! hero of Tippecanoe!
DYING GROANS OF THE TIN-PAN.
[Sung at the great Ohio Convention, held at Columbus, February 22, 1840.]
We have had a hard time on account of the road,
But we looked not behind, for we knew our cause was
good,
The object of our journey was plain to discover,
'Tis to row Mat Van Buren way up Salt River,
Ching ring a ching, O ching ring a ching.
When this grand delegation will arrive at the convention,
Then we'll learn more fully General Harrison's intention,
We'll compose such a body that the Locos will look sour,
For they well know we come for to witness their last hour.
O ching, etc., etc.
The brig General Harrison is just on before
With a band of Northern Whigs ten thousand or more,
Representing when this nation was as fair as any realm —
Till little Mat Van Buren the magician took the helm.
O ching, etc., etc.
And broadside and broadside into him we send
Until he strikes his colors to the hero of North Bend,
38 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
And yields up command to the people again,
And then success to commerce and fair prices for our
grain.
O ching, etc., etc.
The Vans of Mount Vernon thought the Whigs would
give o'er
On account of the rain on the roads, but O never;
For we yield not the spirit which is roused all around
Till the great hydra monster is driven from our land.
O ching, etc., etc.
The Loco Foco party at Mt. Vernon down did look —
When they failed to steal the brig, and showed their
cloven foot,
When the Whig bugle sound and in triumph we set sail,
For a more honest party at Columbus to hail!
O ching, etc., etc.
He has taught to wean attention from the general theme,
That it's bad policy when our country's not serene;
So Medary was instructed to spread the reason far,
They never had settled the Northwestern boundary war.
O ching, etc., etc.
The spirit of our nation is now all on fire,
But they can pay their way without stealing Quasi Quire;
We are coming from the South and the far distant Maine,
For to rally 'neath the banner of our Harrison again.
O ching, etc., etc.
The people now are coming, little Matty will be routed,
For their patience is exhausted and all Swartwouted,
Sam Medary typed a lie against Mr. Lloyd up,
But their testimony failed, and used Payne and Wilson up.
O ching, etc., etc.
Andrew Jackson recommended his dear little Van
For to follow in his footsteps and try to be a man;
But his administration has proved to his scorn,
That he is a barren stalk of great baden corn.
O ching, etc., etc.
When arriving, shouts came from the whole reform nation.
It roll'd o'er our land, then arose up to heaven;
But from a distant silent house, there came a sound of
booming,
And we soon learnt with joy 'twas the tin pan a groaning.
O ching, etc., etc.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 39
Now we join happy thousands at the close of our journey,
At our proud Capitol all is free as milk and honey;
Now we point up aloft, where our nation's banners flying,
And this shall be the requiem for the Vans while they're
dying.
Ching a ring a ching.
VAN BUREN'S LAMENT.
AIR, "0, No, r II Never Mention Her."
Oh, no, I never mention'd it,
I never said a word;
I lent Swartwout a lot of cash,
Of which I've never heard.
He said he only borrow'd it,
To pay another debt,
And since I've never mention'd it,
He thinks that I forget.
And Price, and others like himself,
Have borrow'd money too,
And since I've never mention'd it,
They think it is not due.
I fear the money was not mine,
And I must pay the debt.
For though I've never mention'd it,
The people wont forget.
HARRISON SONG.
TUNE, "Gaily the Troubadour"
Truly did Harrison come from his home,
Whilst he was yet a youth not twenty-one,
He joined our gallant band on the frontiers,
Harrison, Harrison — give him three cheers.
Hark, all ye gallant Whigs, firm, brave and true,
After he'd joined the band wh^t did he do ?
He led to victory, free from all fears —
Harrison, Harrison — give him three cheers.
Huzza for Harrison — success to him,
He makes the Vanocrats look rather slim,
40 J^ippecanoe Songs of 1840.
He is the people's man, away with our fears —
Harrison, Harrison — give him three cheers.
Then let us stick to him, young, old, and all,
And, like old Proctor's men, Matty must fall;
Turn, then, ye Vanocrats, fear not their sneers
Harrison, Harrison — give him three cheers.
OHIO WHIG CONVENTION, 1840.
TUNE, "The Son of Alknomook."
'Twas on Washington's, birthday, the Whigs of the State,
In Columbus assembled — their numbers were great;
From the North, from the South, from, the East and the
West,
By ten thousands they came, at their country's behest.
They were freemen assembled their rights to maintain
And to rescue their land from corruption's foul stain,
To consult on the means their lov'd country to save,
And to drive from high places base traitors and knaves.
There was old Cuyahoga, the pride of the North,
By her sons, which the country in scores had sent forth,
With their brig newly rigged, and a fine hearty crew
All resolved to do battle for Tippecanoe.
There was Portage, Medina, Geauga, Lorain,
Ashtabula, and Trumbull, and western Champaign,
And Muskingum, and Guernsey, and Green, and Monroe,
And Franklin, and Licking, and old Scioto.
There was Richland, and Warren, and Union, and Stark,
There was Mercy and Franklin, Montgomery and Clark,
There was Erie, and Henry, and Paulding, and Wood,
All poured forth their thousands of Whigs stanch and
good.
There was Morgan, and Clermont, and Highland, and
Brown,
Swelled the ranks of the Whigs to put tyranny down,
While Belmont, and Hamilton, Preble, and Ross,
With their thousands on thousands made Locos look cross.
There were farmers, mechanics, and hunters, and tars,
Proudly o'er their heads waved the stripes and the stars,
Tippccanoc Songs of 1840. 41
While the soul-stirring music poured forth by the bands,
Cheered their hearts, while the Tories in grief wrung
their hands.
Yes, those plunder-stained hands, then in sorrow were
wrung.
While the Whigs the loud chorus of liberty sung;
'Twas the death knell of knavery, hearty and loud,
'Twas the song of which freemen shall ever be proud.
There was Washington's life-guard, a relic of times,
That tried brave men's souls in our own happy climes,
And he led a white charger along through the street,
On his back was the saddle — great Washington's seat.
And next came the patriot of Tippecanoe,
The hero who fought for his country when new;
These banners were met with shouts of applause,
From the houses devoted to liberty's cause.
Assembled at length and in liberty's name,
For President — Harrison loud they proclaim;
For Governor — Corwin, a friend of the free,
Huzza, shout huzza, shout huzza, three times three.
The days of the spoilsmen are numbered and told;
In March, '41, shall the hero be rolled
In triumph to Washington, there to restore,
His country, now fallen, to glory once more.
THE SPOILSMEN.
The spoilsmen came down like the wolf on the fold,
And their train bands were rev'ling in ill-gotten gold,
And Benton's hoarse howl on the gale did resound
Like the deep deadly yell of the blood-scenting-hound.
Like leaves of the forest when summer is green,
In the year '3Q their bought banners were seen,
Like the leaves of the forest when autumn hath blown
In March '41 they lay withered and strown.
For Freedom's proud bird spread his wings on the blast,
And the breath of his wrath laid them low as they passed,
And the eyes of the Vanites grew deadly and chill,
And Sub-Treasurers' legs forever grew still.
42 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
•
And there lay sad Amos distorted and pale.
With a curse on his lip and his grip on the mail.
And there lay Calhoun with his nostrils all wide,
And the "galvanized corpse" lay dark by his side.
And there lay "poor Pickin" and Duncan hard bv,
With the Globe in his hand and a drop in his^eye,
And the kitchen was silent, the Cabinet flown,
The cravat of the humbugger hung there "alone."
And the wail of the scullions is loud in their woe,
The "footstep" is vanished, the "follower" laid low,
And the popular might hath the spoiler expunged,
The might of the freeman hath freemen avenged.
THE LAST CABINET COUNCIL.
AIR, "There's Nae Luck About the House."
Sly Matty's face was overcast,
His hopes began to lower,
His kitchen cabinet he called,
Besides the lawful four;
And bade them with a scolding tongue
That each should truly say,
If any chance remained for him
On next election day.
CHORUS.
For it's Boyd and Harris, Linn and Price,
And Swartwout they do say.
Have toted off the nation's cash,
As lawful Loco prey.
Then up steps Amos, grim and thin,
With sick and ghastly look,
You never would have thought that he
Was scullion and chief cook;
Now Matty dear, says he, I'm sure,
The game is up with us,
Those cursed Whigs will beat us now,
They kick up such a fuss.
CHORUS.
About the outside quires and cash
You'd think this nation's broke,
And Blair, and I, and Calhoun think,
This time they do not joke.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 43
Says Blair to M — good President
I think it is'unlucky,
That I must streak it back again
To teach school in Kentucky;
But go I must, for I am sure,
Our battles all are fought,
And New York's favorite son is beat
By sober second thought.
CHORUS.
Now Matty don't get sick, I'm sure
We may as well clear out,
And join the Loco Foco Price,
And honest Sam Swartwout.
And next, says Paulding, I do wish
To novels I had stuck,
For writing them would ne'er have made
Of me so lame a duck; #
Dear Matty we must soon go back
To quiet Kinderhook,
And in your garret I will write
Another shilling book.
CHORUS.
Oh, dear! the times are very hard
When wheat's but fifty cents,
But I'm the man that's rich enough
If I collect my rents.
Come, Uncle Levi, tell us now
What think you of Whig votes ?
Oh, dear! I fear they can't be bought
With my sub-treasury notes ;
I've figured out my long reports
Arrayed in solid column,
But where's your cash, the Whigs cry out,
With faces long and solemn.
The cash is gone and credit too
With our administration,
And we have ruined every man
Throughout the Yankee nation.
Now Poinsett can you cheer us up
With glad and cheerful sounds ?
Oh, no! I can't, those cursed Whigs
Have tree'd me with bloodhounds;
44 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
We've got to quit the White House, now,
As fast as we can go;
I'll take my hat, and make my bow,
For I am D. I. O.
The spoils are gone — there's nothing left
Of paper, blanks, and twine,
And every man is fortunate
Who knows where he can dine.
Perdition catch you all, savs Mat,
Come, Forsythe, you're true blue,
And are so versed in politics
Can tell me what to do.
I wish I could, for I am sure
You'd hear it very soon;
But I will go and advise with
My friend J. C. Calhoun.
For he's the man to jump Jim Crow,
And prove that black is white,
He will convince you its noonday,
When dark and pitchy night.
Now Harry Clay was passing bj,
And hearing such a roar,
With hasty strides he mounted up
And opened wide the door —
Hallo! says he, what means this noise
Within this garrison ?
You'd better all make tracks — here comes
The patriot Harrison.
CHORUS.
So off they ran with nimble legs,
As fast as they could lean;
As granny he took up the broom
And swept the White House clean.
WHIG ALARUM.
Whigs away, Whigs away, 'tis no time for delay,
For the foeman's rude footsteps our temples degrading,
To the contest prepare, and by strong arm declare,
That no tyrant survives who our rights are invading.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 45
Fling the broad stripes on high, they shall float on the sky,
As the beacons on the towers of liberty gleaming,
'Tis the banner of might, in the midst of the fight,
For victory shouts where its bright folds are streaming.
And our eagle is nigh, with his fierce lightning eye,
And his broad wings in the midst of the battle are
dashing;
He has heard from afar, the loud tumult of war,
Soon the Vanites shall quail where his wild glance is
flashing.
Long our breezes shall fan the ensign of a land,
Which ne'er shall be crushed by a tyrant's stern heel;
Then warriors awake and your bright sabers take;
Let the foes of our freedom their keen edges feel.
Whigs away, Whigs away, 'tis no time for delay,
For a tyrant's in the temples of sweet liberty;
Strike for freedom and laws, for our dear country's cause.
From the wide western prairies to the shores of the sea.
THE VOICE OF COLUMBIA.
Lo! the seal of power is breaking,
Patriots, who have slept, are waking,
And a tyrant's fall declare;
Freemen, arouse! a voice is singing,
In mount and vale, the peal is ringing;
See, the stars and stripes are flinging,
Meteor-flashes on the sky.
Minstrelsy the land is filling,
In brave hearts its tones are thrilling,
'Tis the harp of Liberty;
From her seraphic temple springing,
Swift on lightning pinions winging,
While her gallant sons are bringing.
Vengeance on her enemy.
Hosts to battle now are dashing,
In the sun their blades are flashing,
Hear ye not their battle cry?
Banners on the sky are gleaming,
And upon the breeze are streaming,
Leading, by their beacon beaming,
Men resolved to do or die.
46 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Tyrant, our sacred rights invading,
With miscreant slaves our soil degrading,
In freedom's halls you dwell no more;
Tho' now against her laws rebelling,
Soon you'll hear on wild winds swelling,
Mighty shouts thy downfall knelling,
Far along Atlantic's shore.
REPORT.
DIRGE, "Burial of Sir John Moore"
Not a sigh was heard not a farewell groan
Though he looked confoundedly flurried;
No patriots breast was heard to moan,
As from the White House he was hurried,
He streaked it out darkly, at dead of night,
The way with his grabbers feeling,
And he seemed, by the glare of lantern light,
Like a rogue just caught a sheep stealing.
No useless carriage encircled his breast,
Nor in ruffles, nor jewels we found him;
Yet he looked like a chap that had feathered his nest
With the people's earnings around him;
Nor few, nor short, the maledictions said.
And spoke more in anger than sorrow,
As the people they gritted their teeth in their head,
And cursed the magician all hollow.
Startled and wild was his cat-like tread,
(As Old Tip's name was rung o'er each hill. Oh!)
Like a hyena scared from his feast of the dead,
As the red morning breaks over the billow;
Lightly they'll talk of the sprite that is gone,
And o'er the sub-treasury upbraid him;
But little we'll reck, so we'll let him sneak on
To the grave where the people have laid him.
But half our grateful task was done,
When the clock toll'd the hour so desiring;
And we knew by the boom of a Harrison gun
That the Whigs were merrily firing.
Down slowly and sadly the Locos come
From the east room, in uppermost story;
In Virginia fence-line, they all reel'd home,
And left Old Tip alone in his glory.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 47
LET FAME PUT HER TRUMP.
Let fame put her trump to the lip of the morn,
And rouse up the slumbering day;
On the wings of the wind be the blast onward borne,
Till it dies in the ether away;
But on the broad hills let it lay,
And echo the green valley o'er,
That a chieftain exists, who, though aged and gray,
Shall this country's lost luster restore.
From the North to the South, from the East to the West,
From the center all round to the sea,
On the pinions of time, that are never at rest,
It is borne to the ears of the free :
Then tremble the tyrants that be,
For the moments of reckoning come,
More appalling than tempests that scourge the dark sea,
Or the war-notes of trumpet and drum.
From the long dreary night of misrule and dismay,
A whole people awake to the light,
While the dark clouds of error are breaking away,
And the morning of truth dawning bright:
Again in her splendor and might,
Fair Freedom unveils to the view,
And points to the chief, whose integrity's plight
Shall the stars of her glory renew.
Betrayed by false statements, the sons of the soil
Long in error and darkness did grope,
While the vampyres bore oft" the reward of their toil,
And withered each promise of hope:
But a chieftain there is, who shall cope
With the spoilers with Hercules' arm,
While the phalanx of freemen, unscathed and unbroke
The abuses of power shall disarm.
He was tried in the battle, and ne'er known to yield,
Lang syne, in the days of our pride;
A sage in the Senate, a chief in the field,
On whom sages and warriors relied:
They will rally again to his side,
As they did when the war- arrows flew;
And he'll lead them to conquest and glory beside,
As he led them at Tippecanoe.
At the sound of the blast cheering onward amain,
Prosperity lifts her pale head,
48 Tippecanoe. Songs of 1840.
And looks, as her eye brightens up once again,
Like a vestal arose from the dead:
Toward the chieftain her arms are outspread.
Who her beauty and strength shall restore,
And robe her anew in the white blue and red,
That so gracefully veiled her before.
Then pour a libation, and bear it on high,
And let Fame give the word of command,
While the eagle of victory stoops from the skv,
And hovers above the green land:
Round the altar of Freedom we stand,
With the swords of our country in view,
And accoutred for battle, pledge heart and pledge hand,
For the hero of Tippecanoe.
IT OFTTIMES HAS BEEN TOLD.
TUNE, "The Constitution and Gurriere"
It ofttimes has been told,
That British sailors bold,
Could flog the tars of France so neat and handy, O;
But they never found their match,
Till the Yankees did them catch,
Oh, the Yankee boys fighting are the dandy, O.
The British now so bold,
Hired just to fight for gold,
Commanded by proud Proctor, the grandee, O;
With Indians by the score,
A thousand too, or more,
They swore they'd flog the Yankees now so handy, O.
Then Proctor loudly cries,
Make this great field your prize,
You can in thirty minutes neat and handy, O*
Thirty five's enough I'm sure,
And if you'll do it in a score,
I'll treat you to a double share of braVidy, O.
The Indians with a yell,
As if they came from h — 11,
Slashed round their tomahawks so neat and handy', O;
Now says Harrison to his braves,
Come on and whip these slaves,
If we take these savage boasters we're the dandy, O,
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 49
The first gun that was fired
Into their hearts inquired,
Which made the lofty Proctor look abandoned, O;
This Briton shook his head,
And to his officers said,
Lord, I didn't think old Harrison was so handy, O.
Our second told as well,
It made the Indians yell,
Which doused Tecumseh's hopes so very handy, O.
By George, they cried, we've done,
We'd better cut and run,
While the Yankees struck up Yankee doodle dandy, O.
The Indians now unarmed,
Because they were alarmed,
And buried all their tomahawks so handy, O;
But Harrison did not rest,
And on the battle press'd,
And tightly grasped his good old sword so handy, O.
Yet the brave old soldier said,
He wished not Proctor dead,
But meant to dress him in a petticoat so handy, O;
Then send him to the squaws,
The reason why, because
Among men he wasn't quite the dandy, O.
Now great success to him
Who does the work so trim,
As flog two great warriors so handy, O ;
Our President he'll be,
Which you will shortly see,
And, fellow-citizens, wont that be the dandy, O!
THE PEOPLES' SONG.
TUNE, " Gilder oy"
We long to see the season come
When we can vote for Harrison,
For there is nothing can prevent
His being the next President;
For he's the man that risk'd his life,
Against the savage scalping knife;
And Proctor thought he'd better run
Than measure swords with Harrison.
4*
ijo Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
When some were in their cradles rock'd
Their fathers round the hero flock'd,
The fight was hard, but still they won,
Led on by General Harrison;
But now with double force they come.
The war-worn soldier, with his son,
They strike the time without the drum,
Both right and left, for Harrison.
Supporting General Harrison,
The people have no risk to run —
For he can first adjust their laws,
Then with his sword maintain their cause.
Then raise the banner till it floats,
While men are handing in their votes;
And may their ballots tell as one,
Success to General Harrison.
Then let this song, for one, be sung,
As clear as Indian rifles rung,
By middle-aged, old and young,
Without one jar or faltering tongue;
And let the spangled banner wave,
High on the breeze, above the brave,
While they proclaim the work is done,
We'll join for General Harrison.
The eagle with bright plumage dressed,
Directs her flight towards the West,
Where oft she'd heard the battle yell,
To drop a tear where Davies fell;
Now round the field her way she wings,
And with her notes the welkin rings,
She sings Me Arthur, Cass and Croghan,
Then tops her song with Harrison.
THE FLAG OF TIPPECA^OE.
AIR, "A Health Let Us Drink to the Hero and Sage."
The "Spoilsmen" are fretful and gloomy as night,
Their " Denmark is rotten" about,
The party's perplexed, and in horrible plight,;
For Matty they know must go out:
Our flag, like the sign to the Roman, I ween,
Will lead us to glory — and who
Would'nt stick to that flag while a star's to be seen
The flag of Old Tippecanoe.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. ft
"The scepter and power from Judah must go;"
The days of Van Buren are told,
The people, refusing to take, as you know,
Shin-plasters, for promised gold:
Then on to the rescue my hearties we move,
Corruption must shrink if we do,
Let's stick to Old Buckeye, the statesman we love,
The Hero of Tippecanoe!
Our ship CONSTITUTION, though stanch in her hull,
Isrnarr'd by the Partisan storm;
But we safely Will moor her by united pull,
In the haven of real reform: ,
But the ship to be saved a new Master must own,
And a new set of Tars for the crew;
From the Ancient Domain the Lieutenant must come
The Captain from Tippecanoe!
When war's deadly summons had led us to blows,
Where was Kinderhook Van to be found?
In the rear of all dangers, with Bluelights and foes,
He hated the battle's dread sound.
Where was HARRISON then? on the field of his fame
There, prov'd himself gallant and true,
The roar of the cannon was music to him
The Hero of Tippecanoe.
When peace by proud victories came again brief,
The Hero returned to his plow; ,
But the people are coming to make him their Chief,
With purpose inflexible now.
Then fill up your wine cups and pass them around,
Let's drink to the brave and the true,
And this be our toast, The Brave Hero of Thames,
The Hero of Tippecanoe!
THE HERO OF TIPPECANOE;
[The following song was sung at the convention held at Columbus, Feb-
ruary 22, 23, '40.]
TUNE, "Rosin the Bow."
Ye jolly young lads of Ohio,
And all ye sick Vanocrats too,
Come out from amongst the foul party,
And vote for old Tippecanoe, etc.
And vote for old Tippecanoe, etc.
52 Tippecanoe Song's of 1840.
The great Twenty -Second is coming,
And the Vanjacks begin to look blue,
They know there's ho chance for poor Matty,
If we'll stick to old Tippecanoe,
If we'll stick, etc.
I therefore will give you a warning,
Not that any good it will do,
For I'm certain you all are a going,
To vote for old Tippecanoe,
To vote, etc.
Then let us be up and doing,
And cling to our cause brave and true,
I'll bet you a fortune we'll beat them,
With the hero of Tippecanoe.
With the hero, etc.
Good men from the Vanjacks are flying,
Which makes them look kinder eskew,
For they see they are joining the standard,
With the hero of Tippecanoe.
With the hero, etc.
They say that he lived in a cabin,
And lived on old hard cider too,
Well, what if he did, I'm certain,
He's the hero of Tippecanoe.
He's the hero, etc.
Then let us all go to Columbus,
And form a procession or two,
And I tell you the Vanjacks will startle,
At the sound of old Tippecanoe.
At the sound, etc.
A» for one I'm fully determined,
To go, let it rain, hail or snow;
And do what we can in the battle,
- For the hero of Tippecanoe.
For the hero, etc.
And if we get any ways thirsty,
I'll tell you what we can do,
We'll bring down a keg of hard cider,
And drink to old Tippecanoe.
And drink, etc.
Tippecanoc Songs of 1840. 53
HURRAH SONG.
Old Tip's the boy to swing the flail,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrahl
And make the Locos all turn pale,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
He'll give them all a tarnal switchin',
When he begins to " Clare de Kitchen."
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
Plowboys! though he leads in battle,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
He's a team in raising cattle,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
And though old Proctor at him kicked,
He is the chap that never was licked,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, etc.
Hi* latch-string hangs outside the door,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
As it has always done before,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah !
We vowed, by Whigs he should be sent
To Washington as President,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, etc.
In all the States no door stands wider,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
To ask you in to drink hard cider,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
But any man that's fond of grabbin',
Ne'er can enter his log cabin,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
For such as Swartwout, Price and Boyd,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
His honest soul will e'er avoid,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
And poverty he thinks no crime,
But welcomes it at dinner time,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, etc.
So here's three cheers for honest Tip,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
We've got the Locos on the hip,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah?
We'll row them all far up Salt River,
There let them stand to shake and shiver,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, etc.
54 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
THE HERO PLOWMAN.
TUNE, "Tankee Doodle."
The hero plowman of North Bend,
According to my notion,
Who did our cabins long defend,
Is worthy of promotion.
Then for the plowman we'll array,
Our gallant Buckeye forces —
Van Buren's collar men K K*
They soon will fly their courses.
Van cannot bribe us with his Price,
Nor will we be Swartwouted;
We'll stick to Tip like any vise,
Until the foe is routed.
Then for, etc.
Come one come all, the spoilsmen clan,
Who jump at Matty's orders;
We'll clear his kitchen to a man,
And boost them from our borders.
Then for, etc.
The false magician long has play'd
His feats of hocus pocus;
Has congregated and array 'd,
His rabid Loco Focos.
But for, etc.
Leg-treasVers scent his old Dutch cheese,
The smell whereof so loud is;
It makes them jump and snuff and sneeze
The Loco Foco rowdies.
Then for, etc.
The treas'ry-Kraut is wholly spoil'd,
It never was half salted,
But spoilsmen gulp it down unboil'd,
But just a little scalded.
Then for, etc.
Our Buckeye hero, true and tried,
Is rightly nam'd old granny;
To deliver (is his pride)
The house of little Vanny.
Then for, etc.
*K K means can't come it.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840, 55
But granny never works by halves,
He's eke a famous doctor,
He'll ease the nation of her knaves,
As he did Gen'ral Proctor.
Then for, etc.
The spoilsmen will be forc'd to slope;
To take unto their scrapers;
Old Tip will grant them, soon I hope,
Authentic walking papers.
So for, etc.
And then the famous Kinderhook,
Sir Martin will reside in;
He'll find some cranny nook or crook.
His infamy to hide in.
Then for, etc.
Now here's a health to Harrison:
His fame keeps circling wider;
Ohio's boast Virginia's son —
We'll toast him on hard cider.
Then for, etc.
THE BATTLE OF THE THAMES.
TUNE, "The Battle of the Nile."
Arise! arise! sons of the West arise,
And join in the shouts of the patriotic throng;
Arise! arise! sons of the West arise,
And let Freedom's walls re-echo with your song.
For he will lead us on
Who did lead us years ago,
When he trod a foreign soil,
Wreaking vengeance on the foe.
CHORUS.
And the battle of the Thames, as every tongue proclaims,
And the battle of the Thames, as eveiy tongue proclaims,
Shall live in history, in poetry and song.
Huzza! huzza! huzza! huzza! huzza, boys,
For him who fought for us, and never yet was known to
yield,
Huzza! huzza! huzza! huzza! huzza, boys,
Our Harrison again will win the field.
56 Tippccanoe Songs of 1840.
Arise! arise! sons of the West arise,
Your brethren of the East are arousing in their might,
Arise! arise! sons of the West arise,
And be ready now to aid them in the fight.
For he will be our chief,
Who when danger was at hand,
To our frontier brought relief,
With his gallant western band.
And the battle of the Thames, etc.
Arise! arise! sons of the West arise,
Your liberties maintaining, your country now befriend,
Arise! arise! sons of the West arise,
And gather 'round the farmer of North Bend.
For he will bring us aid,
Who was aide to gallant Wayne,
When the Indian's yell was heard,
From every hill and plain.
And the battle of the Thames, etc.
LOG CABINS AND LOG CABIN BOYS.
[Sung at the Log Cabin " raisin' " at Annapolis, on Thursday, 2$th ultimo.]
TUNE, "Hunters of Kentucky"
Log Cabins now are all the go.
My friends, suppose we rear one,
We're clumsy architects, I know,
Yet still we can prepare one.
Yankee Doodle keep it up,
Yankee Doodle dandy,
Old Tip's the chap to put things right,
In State affairs he's handy.
We owe it to each Hoosier friend;
'Tis due to old Kentucky,
Who 'neath the Banner of North Bend,
In war or peace is lucky.
Yankee Doodle keep it up,
Yankee Doodle dandy;
In honor of the West we'll have
A Cabin neat and handy.
When Proctor and our savage foes,
With yells the West astounded,
Van Buren liv'd in sorf repose,
By luxury surrounded.
Tippccanoe Songs of 1840. 57
Yankee Doodle keep it up,
Yankee Doodle dandy;
'Twas then Old Tip that savage horde
Just beat and took so handy.
Log Cabin Boys are all the go,
The fool alone derides them,
Their hearts with manly feelings glow,
And honor ever guides them.
Yankee Doodle keep it up,
And 'bout the work be handy,
They've order'd Van to Kinderhook,
And that you know's the dandy.
Now, friends, a song I've given you,
Let some one sing another —
A courtesy that's always due
From one Whig to a brother.
Yankee Doodle keep it up,
Let's with our work be handy,
Old Tip will be the President,
And that will be the dandy.
THE "LOG CABIN" SONG.
[Composed and sung by the Clark county delegation at the great People's
Convention of Ohio, on the 22d of February, 1840.]-
TUNE, "Highland Laddie.'1'1
Oh, where, tell me where, was your Buckeye Cabin made?
Oh, where, tell me where, was your Buckeye Cabin made?
'Twas built among the merry boys that wield the plow
and spade,
Where the Log Cabins stand, in the bonnie Buckeye
shade!
'Twas built, etc.
Oh, what, tell me what, is to be your Cabin's fate?
Oh, what, tell me what, is to be your Cabin's fate?
We'll wheel it to the Capital, and place it there elate,
For a token or sign of the bonnie Buckeye State-!
We'll wheel, etc.
Oh, why, tell me why, does your Buckeye Cabin go?
Oh, why, tell me why, does your Buckeye Cabin go?
It goes against the spoilsmen, for well its builders know
It was Harrison that fought for the cabins long ago.
It goes, etc.
58 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Oh, what, tell me what, then, will little Martin do?
Oh, what, tell me what, then, will little Martin do?
He'll "follow in the footsteps" of Price and Swartwout too,
While the log cabins ring again with old Tippecanoe.
He'll follow, etc.
Oh, who fell before him in battle, tell me who?
Oh, who fell before him in battle, tell me who?
He drove the savage legions, and British armies too
At the Rapids, and the Thames, and old Tippecanoe!
He drove, etc.
By whom, tell me whom, will the battle next be won?
By whom, tell me whom, will the battle next be won?
The spoilsmen and leg treasurers will soon begin to run!
And the 'Log Cabin Candidate' will march to Washing-
ton!
The spoilsmen, etc.
THE HERO STATESMAN.
TUNE, "The CampbelVs Are Coming."
He comes from the West, in the strength of his name,
The favored of song, and a hero in fame;
He's the People's own choice, and his resting shall be
At the side of the brave, in the hearts of the free,
No more in the shade of retirement he's laid,
Where the warrior's plume rests with his chivalrous blade:
For his country demands his true service again,
To protect with his sword, and defend with his pen.
He comes from the West in the strength of his name
The favored of song, and a hero in fame;
He's the people's own choice, and his resting shall be
At the side of the brave, in the hearts of the free.
Though gray be his locks, there's a fare in his eye,
That flashes in scorn when a foeman is nigh;
To the poor and oppressed who his kindness implore,
He never in scorn shuts his hand nor his door.
Then hail to the hero who merits our thanks,
To the statesman who lives on Ohio's green banks;
For the banner of freedom that floats to the breeze,
Shall ne'er be dishonored on land nor on seas.
He comes from the West, etc.
When joined with the wise and engaged with the great
To act for his country in councils of state,
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 59
No traitor unscathed shall escape from his hand —
The boldest he'll sweep from a place in the land.
Though dastards revile, and though cowards defame,
They dim not the glory of Harrison's name;
And louder and broader our plaudits shall rise
For the hero so bold, for the statesman so wise.
He comes from the West, etc.
NEW COMIC SONG.
TUNE, "Hey, Come Along, Josey"
Come listen to me and I'll sing you a song,
Which I promise you shall not be long;
And I know you'll say it's a first-rate thing
And dis is de tune dat I will sing:
Hey, cum along, jim along, Josey,
Hey, cum along, jim along, Jo.
I spose you know de Whigs next fall
Are gwoing to stop the Loco ball;
Gin'rawl Harr'sin he too strong for Martin,
And at de lexshun will beat him sartin:
Hey, cum along, etc.
De spilers say dey will no hab him
Kase how he lib in a log cabin;
But de peeple say dey do not kere,
He shall hab de White House 'fore a year.
Hey, cum along, etc.
De Locos say he drink hard cider,
But dey only spread his fame de wider
And dey may ober dere shampane
Make fun of him but it's all in wane:
Hey, cum along, etc.
Yes, let um laf and call him granny,
But it's well for you my little Vanny,
Dat he draw de Injuns and British far
While you were talkin' 'gainst de war:
Hey, cum along, etc.
And as de enemy den flew,
At Meigs, at Thames, at Tipp'canoe,
So he will make de hirelings run
When he is sent to Washington:
Hey, cum along, etc.
60 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
De fox will den wid a sheepish look
Sneak back to de hole in Kinderhook;
And de leg treasurers will make tracks
As if de debil was at dere backs:
Hey, cum along, etc.
And he who at 'Cumsey pull de trigger
Whose wife was cousin to dis niggur;
Eben dat wont save him, for de nashun
Say dey not for amalgamation:
Hey, cum along, etc.
"White man, white man, werry unsartin,"
"How you off for soap," my darlin' Martin;
Next March de log cabin boys will shout,
"Does your anxious mammy know you're out ?'
Hey, cum along, etc.
I swow I pity your condition,
For you were for de bobbolishoun,
And voted for darkies cum ob age
To hab de right ob free sufferage:
Hey, cum along, etc.
And now, gentle folks, I bid you good bye,
Don't let de Locos fro chalk in your eye;
And when to de city de Gin'rawl you bring,
Dis nigger will be dere all ready for to sing:
Hey, cum along, etc.
TIPPECANOE SONG.
AIR, "Bonnets of Blue."
The voice of the nation has spoken,
The tyrants all shake in their shoes —
The scepter of Martin is broken —
He shrinks at the glorious news.
CHORUS.
All hail to the glorious West,
Log cabins and yeomen to you;
The land of the brave and the blest,
And home of old Tippecanoe.
The political valley of Death.
Surround his vile minions of power,
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 61
Their slanderous, pestilent breath,
Is hushed like the storm of an hour.
All hail, etc.
The cooks of the kitchen aghast,
Hear their knell sound far from the West,
And fear that their dishes, at last,
Will poison the " greatest and best."
Then hail to the glorious West,
Log cabins and yeomen to you;
The land of the brave and the blest,
And the home of old Tippecanoe.
CLEARING THE KITCHEN AND WHITE HOUSE.
[A song for the fourth of March, 1841.]
TUNE, "Young Lochinvar"
Old Tippecanoe has come out of the West,
Through all the wide border his fame was best,
For save his log cabin, he station had none,
He came with his friends, with true hearts alone.
So dauntless in war, to his country so true,
Was ever there soul like Old Tippecanoe ?
He staid not for break, he stopped not for stone,
He swam the Ohio where ford there was none,
But ere he alighted at Washington gate
The spoilers were scampering before 'twas too late,
For, laggard in heart, to his country untrue,
Had kept this fair place from Old Tippecanoe.
So boldly he entered the President's hall,
'Mong patriots and brothers and ladies and all,
That, to little Van, it politely occurred,
Unto the new-comers he must say a word.
"Oh, whence are you here? — what came you to do?
Must you take this White House for Old Tippecanoe?"
"He long served his country," the lovers replied,
"She wooed him to come, when her suit you denied,
But now is he here with friends from afar,
To fill up the measure of glory and war,
There are men in this country more fitting than you,
To rule this fair land with Old Tippecanoe."
They sat down the mug when Old Tip took it up,
62 Tippeeanoe Songs of
AndfUiuaffed the hard cider, then proffered the cup,'
Van looked down to blush, and then looked up to sigh
With a frown, on his lip and a squint in his eye;
Then, bowing full low, says he, " Good-bye to you,
I surrender this house to Old Tippeeanoe."
So good a form and so honest a face,
That never this hall such a farmer did grace;
While Kendall did fret and Levi did fuss,
•And Benton stood dangling his yellow boy's purse,
And the ladies they whispered, " 'twere 'tis true,
The country were governed by Tippeeanoe."
One touch to Blair's hand and one word in his ear,
As Van reached the door, and his carriage was near, .
"We are gone, we are gone, by hook or by crook,
I must wend my way back to my own Kinderhook; *
My light English coach, though often it flew,
Couldn't match the hard gray of Old Tippeeanoe."
There was mounting and tramping of Cabinet clan,
And the kitchen concern, some rode and some ran;
There was racing and chasing o'er Capital lea,
But the little Magician no more could th^y see!
So dauntless in war, to his country so true,
Who could clear the kitchen but Tippeeanoe?
HARD CIDER.
[Composed by Dr. J. Kilbourne, and sung at the Log Cabin Raisin',
Columbus.]
TUNE. " Old Rosin the B<nu."
Come ye who, whatever betide her,
To freedom have sworn to be true,
Prime up with a cup of hard cider,
And drink to old Tippeeanoe, etc.
On top I've a cask of as good, sir,
As man from the tap ever drew;
No poison to cut up your blood, sir,
But liquor as pure as the dew, etc.
No foreign potation we puff, sir,
In free-land the aple-tree grew;
Its juice is exactly the stuff, sir,
To quaff to brave Tippeeanoe, etc.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 63
Ye log-cabin monarchs, who reign o'er
The West, in your hunting- shirts blue;
A brimmer you surely can drain to
Your neighbor of Tippecanoe, etc.
Ye yeomen, so hardy and noble,
Who'll sup on a mess of parch'd corn,
And then make but light of the trouble
To fight the wild Indian till morn, etc.
One cup to the men who fell round you,
The gallant, the brave and the true;
Another, to him who inspir'd you,
To conquer at Tippecanoe, etc.
At Thames, too, he spurn'd ev'ry danger
And planted the flag of the free,
The star-lighted flag of the ranger,
Where subjects had bended the knee, etc.
When war, with his battles was over,
With peace, he retir'd to his farm,
Where the culture of wheat, corn and clover,
For the hero, had life-giving charm, etc.
And when with his toils growing weary,
He'll turn to his comrades and share
A cup of old cider, so cheery,
Dispelling both languor and care, etc.
Let Van sport his coach and outriders,
In liveries flaunting and gay,
And sneer at log cabins and cider,
But, woe, for the reckoning day! etc.
"Parch'd corn" men can't stand it much longer;
Enough, is as much as we'll bear:
With Tip at our head, in October,
We'll tumble him out of the Chair.
Then ho! — for March 4th, forty-one, boys,
We'll shout, till the heaven's arch blue
Shall echo, hard cider and fun, boys,
Drink, drink to old Tippecanoe.
We'll drink to old Tippecanoe,
We'll drink to brave Tippecanoe,
Shall echo — Hard cider and fun, boys,
Drink — drink, to Old Tippecanoe,
64 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
THE HERO OF OHIO.
[ Written for the Log Cabin lads and ladies, by a Log Cabin poet.]
TUNE, "The Hunter's of Kentucky?
Come listen, lads and ladies, now,
To my immortal story;
And, while you wreathe around his brow
The garland of his glory,
The troubadour will sound a name
That none will dare deny O,
Was first upon the field of fame,
The hero of Ohio.
Oh! Ohio,
The hero of Ohio.
Fair Freedom's Father, Washington,
Gave Harrison a station,
And said: "My boy, your father won
A name in this great nation;
Go, battle for the fair and free,
And on thy God rely, O;
And future fame shall welcome thee,
The hero of Ohio,
Oh! Ohio, etc.
Beloved by all his soldiers brave,
Nor terrified by trifles;
For glory or a hero's grave,
He met the Indian rifles;
Into the fight he fearless flew,
Resolv'd the foe should fly, O;
And Congress crown'd at Tippecanoe,
The Hero of Ohio,
Oh! Ohio, etc.
'Mid British bayonets and flame,
And savage thrusts and thumps, he
Beside the foremost phalanx came,
The terror of Tecumseh;
And Proctor's life but seldom names,
Without a curse or cry, O,
The day he dared, upon the Thames,
The hero of Ohio,
Oh! Ohio, etc.
His country he has nobly served,
Both in the field and forum;
From truth or trust he never swerv'd
Nor from a just decorum.
7^ippecanoe Songs of 1840. 65
Like Cincinnatus, to the plow
He keeps a steady eye, O;
And every one will hail him now,
The Farmer of Ohio.
Oh! Ohio, etc.
Bring laurels, lovely ladies, now,
For he will guide the nation;
Bring garlands for his glorious brow,
When he shall hold his station,
And let us hear the wild hurrah,
From all the Western sky, O;
Hail, boys, with many a loud huzza,
The Farmer of Ohio,
Oh! Ohio, etc.
A TIP-TOP SONG ABOUT TIPPECANOE.
'Tis the tip of the fashion for brave hearts and true
To join in the shout for brave Tippecanoe;
The soldier, the farmer, the statesman, the friend,
Who fought at the Thames, and who lives at North
Bend;
Who gathered his laurels where bravely they grew,
'Mid the slaughter and carnage of Tippecanoe,
Tippecanoe, Tippecanoe,
An honest old soldier is Tippecanoe.
No parasite he at the footstool of power,
To flatter and fawn for the rule of an hour,
All honor and manliness basely to smother
And avow it his glory to follow another;
Oh, no, for our hero is honest and true,
And the tip-top of honor is Tippecanoe,
Tippecanoe, Tippecanoe,
The tip-top of honor is Tippecanoe.
Though the frosts of old age may have whitened his
brow,
Yet the light of his deeds round his temples will glow
Like the sun on a mountain, whose head in the sky
Receives the first snow on its summit so high,
But will show forth in majesty, beauty and light,
When the valleys below are all shrouded in night —
Tippecanoe, Tippecanoe —
And thus stands the soldier, bold Tippecanoe.
5*
66 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Then join in the shout that has so loud gone forth,
From the East and the West, from the South and the
North,
From the prairies and lakes to the briny blue sea,
The shout of the mighty, the bold and the free —
From the cold Granite State to warm generous Lou-
isiana,
The shout of Tippecanoe,
Tippecanoe, Tippecanoe,
The tip of all tips is brave Tippecanoe.
THE BEST THING WE CAN DO.
TUNE, "Malbrouk"
The times are bad and want curing,
They are getting past all enduring;
Let us turn out Martin Van Buren,
And put in old Tippecanoe;
The best thing we can do,
Is to put in old Tippecanoe:
It's a business we all can take part in,
So let us give notice to Martin,
That he must get ready for starting,
For we'll put in old Tippecanoe.
A change of the Administration
Will be for the good of the nation,
For it is now in a bad situation,
So we'll put in old Tippecanoe.
The best thing we can do,
Is to put in old Tippecanoe.
And send the whole posse a packing,
Van Buren and all of his backing;
For we've tried them and found them all lacking,
And we'll put in old Tippecanoe.
We've had of their humbugs a plenty,
For now all our pockets are empty;
We've a dollar now, where we had twenty,
So we'll put in old Tippecanoe.
The best thing that we can do,
Is to put in old Tippecanoe;
For their roguery can't be defended,
And it's time that their reign should be ended,
We shall never see times mended,
'Till we put in old Tippecanoe.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 67
Uncle Sam han't a cent in his purse now,
And matters are still growing worse now;
There's only one thing left for us now,
It's to put in old Tippecanoe.
The best thing that we can do,
Is to put in old Tippecanoe.
For we are all of us going to ruin,
As long as we keep such a crew in,
So let us be up and a doing,
And put in old Tippecanoe.
A JACKSON MAN'S SONG.
Come listen my trusty old cronies,
I'll sing you a short verse or two,
And I know you would not be offended,
Should I sing of Old Tippecanoe.
His enemies call him a coward,
And sneer at his poverty too,
But a true-hearted Jackson man, never
Will slander the brave and the true.
But a true-hearted Democrat, ever
Will honor the brave and the true,
And leave it to British and Tories
To slander old Tippecanoe.
And who, pray, is Martin Van Buren,
What wonders did he ever do?
Was he in the battle of Orleans,
Meigs, Thames or Old Tippecanoe?
Oh, no! he had no taste for fighting,
Such rough work he never could do;
He shirked it off on the brave Jackson,
And the hero of Tippecanoe.
This larkey we once have elected,
Not that any good he would do,
But because he had been recommended
By Jackson the brave and the true.
And since for one term we're in favor,
We think that this honor should do;
So good-bye to you, Mr. Van Buren —
Here goes for Old Tippecanoe.
68 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
BUCKEYE BOYS.
TUNE, "Swiss Boy"
Come, arouse ye, arouse je, my brave Buckeye boys,
Take the axe and to labor, away;
The sun is up with ruddy beam,
The Buckeye blooms beside the stream:
Come, arouse ye, etc.
Love ye not, love ye not, O, my brave Buckeye boys,
To the rally with Tippecanoe;
For the hero, patriot, brave and free,
.Waits to assert your liberty.
Love ye not, etc.
To the polls, to the polls, then my brave Buckeye
boys,
To the rescue, then haste ye away.
The cup we fill — the hard cider pass,
In friendship round, until the last;
With a shout, with a shout, go the brave Buckeye
boys,
With old Tip to the White House away.
SONG FOR THE BOYS.
TUNE, "7 Want To Be a Nun."
Now is it not a pity such a pretty lad as I,
Should be a Loco Foco to pine away and die?
But I won't be for Van,
No, I can't go for Van,
For I so love my country that I cannot go for Van.
I'm sure I cannot see what is there in the man,
That my father often tells me I must be for Van,
But I can't go for Van,
No, I won't go for Van,
I dislike the Loco Focos, and I cannot go for Van.
With the Locos I can't stay, it will never do for me,
So I'll go among the Whigs just to see what I can see;
Now I will be a Whig,
Now I shall be a Whig,
They cheer so much for Harrison, I must be a Whig.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 69
I see among the Whigs the bone and sinew too,
They all are going to vote for Old Tippecanoe;
So I now go for Tip,
Yes I must go for Tip,
The things are in my heart and I will go for Tip.
They said the Loco Foco boys would make fun of me,
But they've all turned to Harrison and none can I see;
Yes they all go for Tip,
And now I'll go for Tip,
For he's the Boys' Candidate, and we all go for Tip.
My mother says she doesn't care if I am only true,
If I do leave the Vans, for Old Tippecanoe;
For I like a canoe,
And like a canoe,
And we'll sail it safe to Washington, you'll see what
we will do.
So father don't be angry, but let your sonny be,
For the Vanites would not like such a Loco as me;
For I don't go for Van,
No I shan't go for Van,
I shall go for Henry Harrison, so help it if you can.
OLD FORT MEIGS.
AIR, "Ok! Lonely is the Forest Shade."
Oh! lonely is our old green fort,
Where oft in days of old,
Our gallant soldiers bravely fought,
'Gainst savage allies bold".
But with the change of years have past
That unrelenting foe,
Since we fought here with Harrison,
A long time ago.
It, seems but yesterday I heard,
From yonder thicket nigh,
Th' unerring rifle's sharp report,
The Indians startling cry.
Yon brooklet winding at our feet,
With crimson gore did flow,
When we fought here with Harrison,
A long time ago.
70 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
The river rolls between its banks,
As when of old we came;
Each grassy path, each shady nook,
Seems to me still the same.
But we are scattered now, whose faith
Pledg'd here through weal or woe,
With Harrison our soil to guard,
A long time ago.
But many a soldier's lip is mute,
And clouded many a brow,
And hearts that beat for honor then,
Have ceased their throbbing now.
We ne'er shall meet again in life,
As then we met, I trow,
When we fought here with Harrison,
A long time ago.
PATRIOTIC SONG.
AIR, "Te Mariners of Rngland"
Ye brave tars of Columbia,
Her glory and her pride,
Who bear the sacred flag of stars
Triumphant o'er the tide,
A cheer for him, while you fought
Our bloody naval fights,
Took his stand on the land,
As defender of her rights.
On many a field the firm, the strong
Defender of her rights.
Old soldiers of Columbia,
Who lingering yet, may tell
The horrors of a border war,
And how your brothers fell?
Come, rally round your leader now,
For justice now implores,
And proclaim to their shame,
That his enemies are yours. .
And 'twill be echoed loud and long,
His enemies are yours.
Ye farmers of Columbia,
Who till this Western soil,
Your broad and goodly heritage,
Was gained through blood and toil.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 71
Will ye be backward to defend,
The name we have espoused?
No! At length, in their strength,
Like a lion when aroused,
They'll come. Awake the farmer's wrath
A lion is aroused.
Ye freemen of Columbia,
Who still in faith esteem
The charter of your fathers' blood,
Would ye that faith redeem?
In Macedonian phalanx form,
In one unbroken band.
And they'll beat a retreat,
The despoilers of the land —
Sub-treasurers, Levellers, and all
The spoilers of the land.
The true son of Columbia!
We bring him now before
The people, with his services
Of forty years or more;
Unstain'd — untouch'd — to his reward,
To save the country's fall.
Let us rise, for the prize
Is the dearest right of all —
A free and healthy government,
The dearest right of all.
TIPPECANOE AND JACKETS OF BLUE.
TUNE, «Te Sons of Columbia."
The good ship of State is driven ashore,
The thunder howls round us, and dark tempests low'r;
The sea is fast rising — and breaks in the bay,
And the hearts of the boldest are filled with dismay,
She will founder unless with true patriot zeal,
We get rid of the lubber who stands at the wheel!
And take a netv pilot, whose heart is true blue —
And such we shall find in old Tippecanoe.
Old "Tip" is a hero, brave, honest and true,
Who deserves the esteem of the jackets of Blue.
His bosom so free from intrigue, guile or art,
Is the shrine of that treasure, a patriot's heart.
Besides, if we turn over his log we shall find
A foe to oppression — a friend to mankind.
72 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
What say ye then sailors — ye jackets of blue,
Shall we choose as our pilot, Old Tippecanoe?
He has fought for our rights, and in peace he has
shown
That in State navigation he's second to none,
His soul with true "live oak grit" is imbued,
He is worth to stand where a Washington stood.
Then give him the tiller — when he steps on deck
His firmness and wisdom will save us from wreck.
Then summon him, tars! shout jackets of blue.
" Oh, haste to our rescue, Old Tippecanoe! "
Had he lived in a country where merit is known,
And rewarded by pensions and praise, or a throne,
Wealth, power and fame would have been his just
meed,
And an humble "log hut" would have ne'er shel-
tered his head.
But his nature is noble, his worth stands confessed,
The son of Virginia, the pride of the West.
Come on, then, my hearties, ye jackets of blue,
And salute with nine huzzas, Old Tippecanoe.
ON ! TO VICTORY ! !
TUNE, "Scots We Wlia."
Whigs! whose sires for freedom bled,
Whigs! whom patriots oft have led,
Whigs! by the " treasury spoils" unfed,
On, to victory !
" Now's the day, and now's the hour,"
See approach the tyrant's power!
Shall we to the tyrants cower?
Shall we turn and flee?
Hear the foe's insulting cry,
Hear him boast of triumph nigh;
Whigs! that boasting do defy,
We shall still be free.
What care we though others yield,
Here's our chosen battle field;
Grasp the sword and brace the shield,
On, to victory!
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 73
Rally, Whigs! in freedom's cause,
Fight for liberty and laws!
Falter not, nor turn, nor pause,
Till each State is free.
Gallant Harrison leads us on,
America's accepted son;
Think of former triumphs won —
On, to victory!
GOLD SPOONS vs. HARD CIDER.
In a cabin made of logs,
By the river side,
There the Honest Farmer lives,
Free from sloth and pride,
To the gorgeous palace turn,
And his rival see,
In his robes of regal state
Tirisell'd finery.
At the early morning light,
Starting with the sun —
See the farmer hold the plow
'Till the day is done.
In his silken bed of down
Martin still must be;
Menial servants waiting 'round,
Dress'd in livery,
See the farmer to his meal
Joyfully repair;
Crackers, cheese, and cider too,
A hard but homely fare.
Martin to his breakfast comes
At the hour of noon;
Sipping from a china cup,
With a golden spoon.
See the farmer pace his fields —
Mark his lightsome foot;
Leaning now upon his staff
To catch a songster's note.
Martin's steeds impatient wait
At the palace door;
Outriders behind the coach
And lackies on before.
74 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
OH, MATTY VAN, MY JO, MAT.
TUNE, "John Anderson," etc.
O, Matty Van, my Jo, Mat! I wonder what you mean,
By such a naughty act as that which lately has been seen?
What want you with an army, Mat? Ah, why do you do
so?
'Twill march you back to Kinderhook! Oh, Matty Van,
my Jo.
Oh, Van Buren, my Jo, Van, you've climb'd the hill o'
State,
And monie a cunnin' trick, man, was fathered in your
pate;
But now your tottering down, Van; how rapidly you go,
You'll soon be sprawling at the fit; oh, Matty Van, my
Jo-
Oh, Matty Van, my Jo, Mat, when first we were acquaint,
'Tis true you were not slow, Mat, with sinner or with
saint;
But now you have grown ould, Mat, you never seem to
know
How fast you're goin' "bock agen," Oh, Matty Van, my Jo.
Oh, Van Buren, my Jo, Van, when Jackson ruled the hour,
And took you up behind him, Van, and left you with his
power,
You promised us to follow in his footsteps, as you know,
And pit your fit in hero's tracks, Oh, Van Buren, my Jo.
Oh, Matty Van, my Jo, Mat, his faith you did abuse,
For it's not in your nature, Mat, to wear a hero's shoes;
So step you just aside, Mat, Old Tip is on your toe,
Old Tip, a hero ready made; Oh, Matty Van, my Jo.
YOUNG MEN'S NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Lo! as the gathering throng appear,
How huge the volume opened here
Of human life!
Where'er the various banners lead,
Around them every heart we read
With hope is rife.
All these of freemen's rights are proud,
And to redeem these rights this crowd
Is borne along.
Tippecanoe Song's of 1840. 75
Oh, what shall stay them in their might,
When they do battle for the right,
Confiding, strong!
Gay music floats upon the air,
And scarf and sash are flaunting there,
And banners high:
Fair hands the snowy kerchief raise,
Bright eyes from hall and window gaze,
And balcony.
No idle pomp they came to fill,
No sycophantic throng to swell
Of pageantry;
Scepter and crown to none they yield,
For e'en the humbled in the field
Was majesty.
The Monumental city led
Its honored guests, and next the head
Followed the State.
Where, let the storm of ill that blows
Prostrate all else, yet virtue grows
Beneath its weight;*
Now Bunker Hill, with fife and drum,
Moves on; yes, " Birnam wood has come
To Dunsinane."
Ill-used, ill-gotten power take heed!
For thus the augury we read,
Or read in vain.
Two victor States take up the word,
And then New York's deep voice is heard
In thund'ring peal:
Mute in the ranks, but undismayed,
New Jersey sternly there displayed
Her own broad seal.
Room! for the Keystone State draws near
Room! for unconquered Delaware,
The Bayard's home.
Warm-hearted Maryland, we greet
Thee next — and mayst thou ever meet
Thine own welcome!
, Disfranchised, but not o'erborne,
Nor wholly from the Union torn,
Triumvirate.
Though in no vote, thou can'st rejoice,
'Crescit sub pondere virtas," was the New Hampshire motto.
76 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Yet, in the contest let thy voice
Still animate.
Birth-place of hero and of sage,
Which from the nation's earliest age
Has borne command,
In thee, unless bright omens fail,
Another President shall hail
His native land !
Here Georgia and the Carolinas
Send forth from out their sterling mines,
A gallant band.
And mountaineers, a valiant train,
Follow their neighbors of the plain
With ready hand.
Undaunted Tennessee draws near
With sable badges of the bier
And mournful tread;
For Cincinnatus now her voice,
The second Roman of her choice —
The first is dead.
A standard bears a single name!
No eulogy can swell the fame
Of "Henry Clay"—*
That name exerts a magic part,
And over many a noble heart
Holds silent sway.
No thought of self comes o'er his mind,
His only effort is to bind
The broken laws.
And when at stake his country's weal,
He forwards with a gen'rous zeal,
His rivals cause.
Still onward sweeps the vast array,
And onward holds its lengthened way,
The hero's State.
His banner waving at their head,
They follow on with lightsome tread
And hearts elate.
All, all are here— the West and South,
The hardy East, and rugged North,
In numbers strong,
Nor will they lay in rest the spear
Until upon their lips we hear
The victor's song.
"Tanto nomine nullum par eulogium."
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 77
LONG LIVE THE KING.
Long live Van-Kinderhook!
Magician, wizard, witch, or spook!
Long live King Martin!
May he triumphantly
Reign o'er such slaves as we,
The Tory's joy to be —
Long live the King!
On! Kendall, Blair, arise!
Scatter his enemies,
Long live King Martin!
Confound Whig politics,
Frustrate their trait'rous tricks,
On him our hopes we fix,
Long live the King!
UNION COUNTY CABIN SONG.
TUNE, "Pennsylvania Quick Step."
Our fathers in the days of yore
Were resting in their wildwood home
When the trumpet's clang and the cannon's roar
Came booming from the briny foam.
And many a stately bark and high,
And many a gallant legion came;
And every soldier's battle-cry
Was "Charge for glorious England's name."
But soon the seal of Freedom's trust,
Her starry flag began to shine;
And many a Britom bit the dust
At Bunker Hill and Brandy wine;
And quickly passed the strife of death,
And soon was victory's garland won,
And Freedom bound the glorious wreath
Upon the brow of Washington.
Again they rested in their fame
Till many a new State round them rose;
Again the host of England came,
And the stormy sound of battle rose.
Again the wreath of victory
On many a battle-field was won,
And Freedom bound it gloriously
Upon the brow of Harrison.
78 J^ippecanoe Songs of 1840.
And now this green and glorious land
Is with distress and ruin fraught,
And desolation, by the hand
Of its despotic ruler wrought.
And Freedom, bj her falling fame,
And by her scorned and broken laws,
Adjures her patriot sons again
To rally in her sacred cause.
They come, they come, they will not stay,
Their glorious march is just begun;
Around their flag the sunbeams play,
And their leader's name is Harrison.
He calls his comrades true and tried,
He calls them from their wilwood home;
He calls, and instant to his side
The inmates of the cabins come.
And like the lawless king of old
Who feasted in his gorgeous halls,
The oppressor's righteous doom is scrolled
And 'graven on the palace walls.
His hour is come; his trembling throng
Of paid and pensioned minions flee;
And many a wild wood cabin song
Shall his resounding requiem be. .
GEN. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.
'Tis not for martial glory,
For battles bravely won,
Fit theme for song and story,
We laud his name alone;
But for the noble and the pure,
In every station tried,
And ever constant to endure
A guardian and a guide.
True, that we feel as proudly
Our soldier's honest fame,
True — we dare speak as loudly,
All honor to the name.
But yet a closer tie must bind,
When peace proclaims her reign,
The will to aid and bless mankind —
And this is his gain.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 79
What though with malice daring,
Detraction's darts are cast;
His calm, sublime forbearing,
Shall vindicate the past,
Those who'd thus disgrace their /and,
Are found in ev'ry age,
Not e'en our Washington, could stand
Untouched by party rage.
His country's voice hath spoken
Her gratitude and trust;
And his deeds have been a token
That the confidence was just.
And when that voice again is heard,
May its shouts of triumph be,
That the people's friend hath been preferred,
And \$> first among the free.
WHEN BRITISH BANDS.
TUNE, " Who'll Be King but Charley."
When British bands invade our land
And savage hosts so dreary,
Young Harrison, he was the man
To draw his sword so early.
Come hither, come hither, around him gather,
Come Whig and Democrat all together,
Unite your bands and firmly stand
For him who fought bravely.
With brave Kentucky's gallant sons,
With Owen and brave Davies;
He led the van 'gainst savage bands
And routed them so clearly.
Come hither, etc.
And when proud Britain's cannon roar'd
He never beat a parley,
His sword and shield made Proctor yield,
And whipped him out so fairly,
Come hither, etc.
There's Martin Van with all his clan
Of demagogues and knavery,
Old Tip can scan their secret plan
And ferret them out so clearly.
Come hither, etc.
8o Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
From sordid gold to him untold
He freed his hand so clearly,
His door-latch string he ne'er pulled in
The poor he fed most freely.
Come hither, come hither, around him gather.
Come Whig and Democrat altogether,
Old Tip's the man who will defend
The rights we bought so dearly.
GRAND NATIONAL WHIG SONG.
" In the strength of your might from each mountain and
valley, "
Sons of Freedom, arise! the time is at hand —
Around liberty's standard, we'll rally, we'll rally;
The star-spangled banner floats over the land.
Then let the proud eagle spread his wings wide asunder,
And burst from the trammels which strive to enchain
" If we rise in our strength, if we speak but in thunder"
The bit of "strip'd bunting" will flourish again.
For our rights and our laws, we'll stand firm and united;
The blood of our father's shall ne'er be forgot —
The faith and the honor they sacredly plighted,
Shall never be tarnished by Anarchy's blot;
Around liberty's standard, we'll rally, we'll rally —
Old Tippecanoe, boys, the watch-word shall be;
Its echo will thunder from each mountain and valley
Of the home of the brave— the land of the free.
OLD TIP AND THE LOG-CABIN BOYS.
TUNE, "Low Down in Old Virginy, Long Time Ago"
When the frontier was in danger,
Long time ago,
Young Harrison, to fear a stranger,
Long time ago,
Left the scenes of ease and splendor,
Long time ago,
To the log cabins aid to render,
Long time ago.
With his hunting shirt and rifle,
In his pocket but a trifle,
Tippecanoe Songs of ISJ+O. 81
With Old Wayne he marched to the forest
And shared his wallet with the poorest.
At the Rapids they fought the savage band,
And whipped them tomahawk in hand,
Mad Anthony praised the gallant boy,
And the cabins rung with a shout of joy.
And when again the war-whoop rang
And the cabin boys to their rifles sprang,
They called again to lead them on
Their gallant leader Harrison.
They met the foe at Tippecanoe,
And again he made the savage rue.
Again with joy the cabins rung,
And his name with grateful praise they sung.
Then Britain dared our flag to assail,
And again the Indian took the trail,
Again the cabins were in mourning
And every eye to him was turning.
He drew once more his faithful sword
And gave the cabin boys the word,
At Thames they laid Tecumseh low
And captured Proctor's army too.
Then Britain saw and felt 'twas vain,
Her gallant soldiers' blood to drain;
Her treasures were in vain expended,
Whilst Old Tip the cabins defended.
Peace again its blessings spread
Beneath the humble cabins shed,
Danger no more its hopes alarm,
With gratitude all hearts were warm.
Old Tip shook hands with the boys once more
And told them open stood his door,
That welcome they should always be,
And the latch-string always outside see.
Long years rolled round and the cabins flour-
ished,
Their liberties they dearly cherished,
No more alarmed by savage foes
The forest blossomed like the rose.
82 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
At length there rose up in the land
A numerous and thriving band,
They stole the fruits of honest toil,
And claimed them as their lawful spoil.
The office-holders stole the treasure,
And then absconded at their leisure,
The honest cabin boys they jeered at,
And their cabins and hard cider sneered at.
The cabins then became oppress'd,
Hard times the boys opprest.
They sought relief as they had done
From Government, but they found none.
Van Buren led the spoilers on
Against the cabins old Tip had won,
He rolled by in his English coach,
And told the boys "they asked. too much."
Then from every hill, and every valley,
The cabin boys began to rally,
They raised one everlasting shout,
And swore the spoilsmen should turn out.
They called again their brave old chief,
Who had always sprung to their relief;
With him in command they feared no dangers,
For he and defeat were total strangers.
They knew he had whipped the Indian foe,
And he had licked the British too,
He could'nt be scared by the Treasury frogs,
And he'd whip Van Buren and his dogs.
Old Tip's in the field, and the boys around him,
The office-holders try to confound him,
But the shout of the boys does thunder resemble,
And Martin and his hirelings tremble.
On the fourth of March little Van will run,
And the cabin boys will laugh at the fun,
They'll place old Tip at the head of the nation,
And have a thundering jollification.
Three cheers for the old log cabin's friend!
The cabin boys on him depend,
In English coaches he's no rider,
But he could fight and drink hard cider.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 83
HARK! THEY COME!
[Sung at the National Convention of Young Men in Baltimore.]
Hark! hark! from the west of the mountains,
A voice from the log cabin crew,
Who drink at the hard cider fountain,
And fought under Tippecanoe —
And fought, etc.
Who cultivate orchards and cornfields,
Defended by Tippecanoe.
Heretofore, all the money we needed,
From pork, corn and flour we drew,
All raised from the soil we defended,
When under brave Tippecanoe —
When under, etc.
From soil we've subdu'd by our labor,
Since led by Old Tippecanoe.
From this soil we've fed the lov'd Buckeye,
And Hoosier, and Sucker babes too;
Rejoicing 'twas parceled to suit us,
By schemes of Old Tippecanoe —
By schemes, etc.
Parcel'd out to suit log cabin farmers;
By the efforts of Tippecanoe.
But now at sub-treasury prices,
Our taxes we'll never get through
Till we call our friend to assist us,
That led us at Tippecanoe —
That led us, etc.
With whom we beat British and Indians,
At Thames, Meigs, and Tippecanoe.
He's good in the field and the council,
The plow he wields skilfully too,
As well as to portion to farmers,
And conquer at Tippecanoe —
And conquer, etc.
In whom may we be so confiding,
As our friend, Old Tippecanoe.
From Eastward, and Northward, and South-
ward,
Come join us in what we will do;
We'll pull at the string of the cabin,
That's knotted, by Tippecanoe —
That's knotted, etc.
Old soldiers will always be welcom'd
By warm-hearted Tippecanoe.
84 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Lo! Eastward, and Northward, and Southward,
In thunder they echo — we, too,
Will call on the hard cider farmer,
That conquer'd at Tippecanoe —
That conquer'd, etc.
We'll greet the old log-cabin farmer,
And vote for brave Tippecanoe.
See! onward! en masse, they're moving
In earthquake voice uttering halloo!
For the White House exchange the log cabin,
Thou hero of Tippecanoe —
Thou hero, etc.
For thee the White House we've determined
O hasten, Old Tippecanoe.
Hark! hark! how the American ladies.
In cabins and palaces too,
Are joining in song with their lovers,
Huzza for old Tippecanoe —
Huzza for, etc.
They sing in sweet strains to their lovers,
Go vote for brave Tippecanoe.
From city, and forest, and mountain,
And likewise Western prairies too,
Each man will respond to his mistress,
And vote for old Tippecanoe —
And vote, etc.
Then send forth a tone like an earthquake,
Huzza for Old Tippecanoe !
SONG.
TUNE, "Life Let Us Cherish?'
For life let us cherish
The fame of honored Harrison,
And never perish
The laurels he won.
The spoils engrossing ravenous band
Have desolated all the land,
They glean their spoils from all its soils,
And honest labor foils.
So let us cherish
The fame of honored Harrison,
And never perish
The laurels he won.
Tippecanoc Songs of 1840. 85
Though clouds obscure the atmosphere,
And ruin threatens everywhere,
Yet down the storm rides swift reform,
And honest hearts grow warm.
So let us cherish, etc.
New hopes inspire our hearts with glee,
Our offspring ever shall be free,
For dread alarm, like magic's charm,
Benumbs the spoiler's arm.
So let us cherish, etc.
To rescue, now comes Harrison,
His strength's a mighty garrison,
His growing weight in every State,
Predicts Van Buren's fate.
So let us cherish, etc.
WHEN THIS OLD HAT WAS NEW.
When this old hat was new, the people used to say,
The best among the Democrats were Harrison and Clay;
The Locos now assume the name, a title most untrue,
And most unlike their party name when my old hat was
new.
When my old hat was new. Van Buren was a Fed,
An enemy to every man who labored for his bread;
And if the people of New York have kept their records
true,
He voted 'gainst the poor man's rights, when my old hat
was new.
When my old hat was new, Buchanan was the man
Best fitted in the Keystone State to lead the Federal clan,
He swore "if Democratic blood should make his veins look
blue,
He'd cure them by phlebotomy," when my old hat was
new.
When my old hat was new ('twas eighteen hundred eleven),
Charles Ingersoll did then declare by all his hopes of
Heaven,
" Had he been able to reflect, he'd been a Tory true,
And ne'er have thought it a reproach," when my old hat
was new.
86 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
When my old hat was new, of Richard Rush 'twas said,
To figure well among the Feds he wore a black cockade;
Deny this Locos, if you please, for every word is true,
I knew full well old Dicky Rush, when my old hat was
new.
When my old hat was new, the Senator from Maine,
Destroyed by fire an effigy, to immortalize his name.
The effigy was Madison's, if common fame be true,
So Reuel Williams was a Fed, when my old hat was new.
When my old hat was new, 'twas in the Granite State,
That Henry Hubbard asked each town to send a delegate
To meet in council at the time when Federalism blue
Mac^e Hartford look like Indigo, when my old hat was new.
When my old hat was new, Sam Cushman did declare
"That should a soldier cross the lines he hoped he'd perish
there,
And leave his bones in Canada for enemies to view,"
So much for his Democracy, when my old hat was new.
When my old hat was new, old Governor Provost
The States invaded at the head of numerous British hosts,
Then mark, ye Locos, what did Martin Chittenden then
do?
Forbid Green Mountain boys to fight, when my old hat
was new.
When this old hat was new, Woodbury and Van Ness,
E. Allen Brown, and Stephen Haight, were of the Federal
mess,
A. H. Everett, Martin Field, and Sam C. Allen, too,
Now patent Democrats, were Feds, when my old hat was
When my old hat was new, these worthies did oppose
The cause, and friends of liberty, and stood among their
foes,
Not so with "Granny" Harrison, for at Tippecanoe,
He bravely fought the savage foe, when my old hat was
When my old hat was new, the friends of liberty
Knew well the merits of Old Tip, while fighting at Mau-
mee;
Come, now, huzza for Harrison, just as we used to do,
When first we heard of Proctor's fall, when my old hat
was new.
7fypecanoe Song's of 1840. 87
LIBERTY CABIN RAISING.
[Sung at the Log Cabin Raising, Annapolis.]
TUNE, " Rosin the Botv"
Come on, ye firm Whigs of old Crawford,
And all ye true Democrats too;
Come up, for old Liberty's raising
A cabin for Tippecanoe.
There you'll find many raisers from Whetstone
And a few from Sandusky, too,
For the people's determined on raising
A cabin for Tippecanoe.
Bucyrus will furnish her twenties,
And Chatfield her dozen or two,
And Cranberry '11 help at the raising,
A cabin for Tippecanoe.
Holmes claims a share in the building
Which she has a good right to do;
And she'll send up her hands to the raising
A cabin for Tippecanoe.
And when we have finish'd the building
We'll call for one speech or two,
From those who have help'd at the raising
A cabin for Tippecanoe.
A NEW SONG.
AIR, "Star Spangled Banner.''
[Sung at the annual election for Charter Officers in the city of Pittsburgh.]
Oh! who does not see, in this heart-cheering ray,
That pierces the cloud of malign domination,
A sign, that foretells with precision, the day
When Columbia shall rise fro'm her low degradation,
When the spoil-hunting race shall be foiled in the chase,
The Kinderhook quack hide his head in disgrace,
And the starry Whig banner triumphantly wave
" O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave."
O'er the city of Pitt, 'mid the eagle's own hills,
Where many a patriot bosom is burning,
What is that which gives Tories such horrible chills,
And to which all Whig-eyes are in "fine frenzy" turn-
ing?
88 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Say, what is that sight which fills Van with affright,
And makes all his vassals the nether lip bite?
'Tis the Harrison banner! and soon 'twill be waved
O'er a whole State redeem'd, o'er a great nation saved.
All hail the proud Keystone — she fired the first gun
For the old " Declaration " blood seal'd by the martyr;
And now she is first to declare for the son
Of the sire, whose own hand sign'd that dear cherish'd
charter.
Her first gun has roar'd for the hero, whose sword
Sprang quick from the scabbard and ne'er was restored
Till victory smiled — for though brave men oft yield,
He never surrender'd, he ne'er lost a field.
Let the Swartwouts and Prices, who, year after year,
Have fed on " the spoils " and wax'd rich on our treas-
ure,
At Harrison's " poverty " throw out the sneer,
And heap on the vet'ran abuse witnout measure:
The wretch that defames, does but strengthen the claims
Of the hero of Tippecanoe and the Thames,
And freshen the laurels, which none sought to bruise,
'Till 'twas found that their greenness gave Martin the
blues.
GRAND NATIONAL WHIG SONG.
[Written for Henry Russell, by Henry John Sharpe. — Dedicated to the
Whigs of the whole Republic.]
•' In the strength of your might, from each mountain and
valley,"
Sons of freedom, arise! the time is at hand —
Around liberty's standard, we'll rally, we'll rally,
The star-spangled banner floats over the land;
Then let the proud eagle spread his wings wide asunder,
And burst from the trammels which strive to enchain —
u If we rise in our strengh, if we speak but in thunder,"
The "bit of strip'd bunting" will flourish again.
For our rights and our laws we'll stand firm and united,
The blood of our father's shall ne'er be forgot —
The faith and the honor which they sacredly plighted,
Shall never be tarnished by anarchy's blot;
Around liberty's standard let ev'ry Whig rally.
" Old Tippecanoe" boys, the watchword shall be!
Its echo will thunder from each mountain and valley
Of the"home of the brave! the land of the free!"
Tippccanoe Songs of 1840. 89
OLD TIPPECANOE.
AIR, '•'When Britain's Oppression, Her I^aivs" etc.
Come, rouse up! ye bold hearted Whigs of Kentucky,
And show the nation what deeds you can do:
The high-road to victory lies open before ye,
While led to the charge by old Tippecanoe.
When Indians were scalping our friends and our brothers,
To Ohio's frontier he gallantly flew;
And thousands of innocent infants and mothers,
Were saved by the valor of Tippecanoe.
When savage Tecumseh was rallying his forces,
In innocents blood his hands to imbrue;
Our hero despis'd all his bloody associates,
And won the proud name of "Old Tippecanoe."
And when this Tecumseh and his brother, Proctor,
To capture Fort Meigs — their utmost did do;
Our gallant old hero again play'd the doctor,
And gave them a dose like at Tippecanoe.
And then on the Thames, on the fifth of October,
Where musket balls whizz'd as they flew;
He blasted their prospects, and rent them asunder,
Just like he had done on the Tippecanoe.
Let Greece praise the deeds of her great Alexander,
And Rome boast of Caesar and Scipio too;
Just like Cincinnatus, that noble commander,
Is our old hero of Tippecanoe.
For when the foes of his country no longer could harm
her,
To the shades of retirement he quickly withdrew;
And now at North Bend see the HONEST OLD FARMER,
Who won the green laurel at Tippecanoe.
And when to the national council elected,
The good of his country still see him pursue;
And every poor man by him thus protected,
Should ever remember "Old Tippecanoe."
Let knaves call him "coward," and fools call him "granny"
To answer their purpose — this never will do;
When rallied around him, we'll route little Vann\,
And give him a Thames— or a full Waterloo.
90 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
The Republican banner of freedom is flying,
The eagle of liberty soars in your view;
Then rally my hearties — all slanders defying,
And thunder huzza! for "Old Tippecanoe;"
Among the supporters of brave General Jackson,
There are many Republicans, honest and true;
To such we say "come out from among them,"
And " go it for Tyler and Tippecanoe."
HARRISON AND LIBERTY.
TUNE, "Jefferson and Liberty."
From Mississippi's utmost shore,
To cold New Hampshire's piney hills;
From broad Atlantic's sullen roar,
To where the western ocean swells,
How loud the notes of joy arise
From every bosom warm and free!
How strains triumphant fill the skies.
Turn to the scroll, where patriot sires
Your Independence did declare,
Whose words still glow like living fires —
His father's name is written there.
That father taught that son to swear
His country ne'er enslaved should be;
Then lend your voices to the air
For Harrison and Liberty.
O'er savage foes, who scourged our land,
When Wayne so wild and madly burst,
Among his brave and gallant band
The youthful Harrison was first.
And when on Wabash's leafy banks,
Tecumseh's warriors gathered free;
How swift they fled before the ranks
Of Harrison and Liberty!
When Meigs' Heights, his army held,
And haughty Britons circled round,
His conquering legion's cleared the field,
While notes of triumph pealed around;
And though on Thames' tide again
His progress Proctor sought to stay.
Dismayed he fled; and left the plain
To Harrison and Liberty!
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 91
Now honored be his hoary age
Who glory for his country won:
Shout for the hero, patriot, sage,
For William Henry Harrison:
Of all our chiefs he oftenest fought,
But never lost a victory,
And peace was gain'd and plenty brought
By Harrison and Liberty!
A HYMN.
TUNE, "New Durham."
Hark! through the land a doleful sound!
Our ears attend the cry;
Ye living Whigs come view the ground
Where your oppressors lie.
Great Van, with thousand twenty-five,
Rides in his English coach,
While all the menials in his hive
Still urge him to encroach.
Their numbers hungry legions are,
A hundred thousand told,
Whose daily cries assail our ear,
" Oh! give us, give us gold."
And yet amidst this golden shower,
All trades do prostrate fall;
The gold and silver, paper power,
Van keeps and uses all.
Our cotton sells for half its cost;
Our wheat lies up in store;
Our tools are all laid by to rust,
We cannot use them more.
The great ones, too, who rule our State,
(Obedient to Van's frown),
Have hurried on the pressing weight,
And crush'd us fairly down!
And is there for these blighting ills,
No healing balm or cure ?
No remedy but quackery's pills ?
No physic which is pure ?
92 J^ippecanoe Songs of 1840.
There is. Send men to legislate
Who are not demagogues,
Who work, and think, not those who prate,
Or howl, or croak like frogs.
Tom Corwin place in the first chair,
To guard and to advise;
And banish all who have a share,
In the foul frauds and lies.
Lo! see, near yon log-cabin pile,
Just weary from his plow,
(While his good dame, with placid smile,
Sits milking of her cow) :
There sits the man, upright and pure
Who will the laws rescue;
Will all our rights guard, and secure
The Hero of Tippecanoe.
Give him your votes, ye freemen all,
And stop Van Buren's games;
And run, ye spoilsmen, one and all,
Like Proctor at the Thames.
Then, when the busy hum, once more,
Shall make the welkin sound,
When Harrison and Tyler soar,
We'll pass hard cider round.
LOG CABIN DEDICATION.
Our cabin now we dedicate,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
To Harrison, the good and great,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
We've rolled the logs up straight and true
And columns made of buckeye, too,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
For cabins erst our hero fought,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
And to their firesides safely brought.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah
Did freely every danger brave
Our own beloved West, to save,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 93
He beat our foes upon the Thames,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
Then settled on his farm again,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
There by his plow content he lives,
And to the needy freely gives,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
But hark! the cabins sound alarm,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
They groan beneath the oppressor's arm,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah,
They call on Harrison the brave,
From tyrant power their rights to save,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah,
Cabin boys, then onward stand,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah,
Rescue your misgoverned land,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah.
Come to the work, press bravely on,
And "shoulder arms" for Harrison,
Hurrah, hurrah.
THE WHIG BALL.
[ Annapolis Tippecanoe Club, Aug. 18, 1840.]
Hail to the ball which in grandeur advances,
Long life to the yeomen who urge it along;
The abuse of our hero his worth but enhances;
Then welcome his triumphs with shout and with song.
The Whig ball is moving!
The Whig ball is moving!
See that light in the South and the West that's dispelling,
The dark cloud that hangs o'er our once favored land,
Let us hail it with joy, while our ball we're propelling,
And firm in our purpose as honest Whigs stand.
The Whig ball is moving!
The Whig ball is moving!
Then let ev'ry true Whig with shoulder to shoulder,
Give speed to the ball and that light wider spread,
'Tis a duty we owe to our father's who molder
'Neaththe sod where thev fought — the sod
Where they bled.
The Whig ball is moving!
The Whig ball is moving!
94 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
They were feeble in number, were weak in resources,
Yet they won and they left us the boon, liberty.
Let us vow to maintain it, in spite of Van's forces,
And teach panders and place-men that Whigs will be
free!
The Whig ball is moving!
The Whig ball is moving!
Yes, Whigs will be free, and the liberty dear,
Which their fathers bequeathed them they'll jealously
tend.
And the charm in the wand of the Kinderhook seer,
They'll dissolve by their shouts for the sage of North
Bend.
The Whig ball is moving!
The Whig ball is moving!
A SONG.
TUNE, " The Bonnets of Blue"
Here's a health to Tippecanoe!
Here's a shout for Tippecanoe!
And he that won't drink to the pride of North Bend,
Is neither a wise one nor true;
It's good for the people to rule;
It's base to be fed by the few;
It's good to stand for the popular choice;
Then shout for Old Tippecanoe!
Hurrah for old Tippecanoe!
•Hurrah for old Tippecanoe!
It's good to cheer him who has often cheer'd us;
Then shout for old Tippecanoe!
Here's a health to Tippecanoe!
Here's a shout for Tippecanoe!
Here's a health to the Chief who was never yet beat;
Three rounds for the honest and true!
Here's luck to the hand that will toil !
Here's luck to the seed that is sown !
Who's a poor man himself is a friend of the poor,
And values their rights as his own.
Then shout for old Tippecanoe !
Hurrah for old Tippecanoe !
It's time to turn out all the profligate herd,
And put in Old Tippecanoe!
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 95
THE GATHERING SONG.
They're rousing, they're rousing in valley and glen,
The noble in soul, and the fearless in heart;
At freedom's stern call, to the combat again
They rush with a zeal she alone can impart.
From wild Madawaska's dark forest of pine,
To the far fertile glades where the calm Wabash flows,
True sons of their fathers! The people combine
To shake off the chains of their tyrants and foes.
They're gath'ring, they're gath'ring, on hill side and plain,
They warm every vale and o'ershadow each river,
Each hamlet and dale is made vocal again,
With the soul-thrilling cry of " Our Country Forever !"
The flag of the free to the breeze is unfurl'd,
Around it they rally to guard its fair fame;
And well may the foes of corruption be bold,
In the glory and strength of their Harrison's name.
Where the noble Ohio in wild beauty sweeps;
Where the swift Susquehanna bears onward its waves,
And e'en where the Hudson in calm grandeur sleeps,
There are thousands of freemen who scorn to be slaves.
Arouse then, true hearts! to the battle once more!
And the spoilers shall quail at your gallant array!
Despair fades behind us — Hope's morn dawns before!
It will brighten full soon to a shadowless day.
A LOG CABIN LYRIC.
Sons of freedom, awake! your wild slogan is pealing,
And hark to the voice of prophetic revealing.
If ye sleep on in peace — if ye rouse not the nation,
And fight as of yore for your country's salvation;
Then the lightnings of freedom forever are clouded,
And her war-shiver'd fanes shall in darkness be shrouded.
Lo! the Genius of Union from her airy flight stooping;
Flings the mists of the clouds from her swift pinion swoop-
ing ;
And the roll of her war cry our foes is appalling,
As her oft shielded sons to her rescue she's calling.
Rouse! lovers of law — of your rights — and of nation,
E'er ye mourn in the dust of your own desolation.
96 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Look! see ye not on your mountains now gleaming,
The watch-fires of liberty brightly there beaming?
Stay not to hail the first beams of to-morrow,
Ye may read by its light naught but trouble and sorrow,
For the fire-cross has sped over valley and plain,
And the clans of Columbia are summoned again.
And the king bird glares fierce through the dim, misty
morning,
As the flash of his keen arrowy glance is discovering,
Where creeps those vile vipers who his eyrie entwining.
Dared to blot with their slime a fair star-gem there shining.
And his crest glows more bright, as he proudly deriding,
The hiss of these reptiles on the tempest is riding.
See! the stars in our flag shed no longer a ray,
For they mourn their bright sister torn ruthless away,
In honor no more shall they float o'er the main,
'Till New Jersey's lost Pleiade shall be hailed there again.
Oh! why did they snatch her fair gem from its station,
And alone leave the stripe of her own degradation?
Then freemen, awake,
And your fetters now break!
Down, down with the tyrant, and dare to be free.
NEW HARRISON SONG.
AIR, "A Life on the Ocean Wave."
Awake to the stirring sound!
Hark, hark, to the loud alarms!
A shout on the breeze is heard —
'Tis the people up in arms!
Then rouse to the rescue, rouse!
In a body, all as one —
Let your watchword be, " Our Rights!
And your war-cry " Harrison! "
Awake, etc.
In vain did our father's toil
And fight for the rights of man,
If tyrants may scorn us now,
And to take our freedom plan,
We'll let them know we'll fight
For the cause our sires have won,
And our shout shall go forth aloud,
"The people and Harrison!"
Awake, etc.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 97
Let us teach those men in power
What they seem not now to know,
That they cannot stay an hour,
When the people utter, "Go!"
Then up and with the shout again,
Press the cry of victory on —
" The rights which our fathers gave,
The people and Harrison!"
Awake, etc.
LINES TO NEW JERSEY.
BALTIMORE, July 28, 1840.
GENERAL GREEN :
DEAR SIR: I am a Jerseyman. I have been absent from my native State
now for about two years, but had it been twenty instead of two, I could
not feel otherwise than anxious for her welfare. In looking over one of the
morning papers of to-day, I saw an account of the reception of the rejected
members of Congress at New Brunswick, some day last week. The writer,
speaking of the banners displayed upon that occasion, says, " There was
one of remarkable beauty and exquisite workmanship, worked by the ladies
of New Jersey, and presented by them to the Tippecanoe club of New
Brunswick." We had not time to inspect the banner, nor to copy the inscrip-
tions, but as it spread its folds to the breeze, we could discover that the
battle of Princeton, and an obliterated star, formed a part of the emblems.
I cannot describe to you the feelings that rose in my breast at the time, nor
do I wish to trouble you with a recital of all that I felt ; suffice it to say that
I determined to make an effort in the cause of the soil on which I first drew
my breath, and the following lines were the result :
And is it so? has that bright star then faded?
Is Trenton, Monmouth, Princeton, all forgot?
The mangled victim of the field invaded;
And must it be that they have bled for naught?
The gore that dyed thy shores — groans of the dying,
The widow's tears — the orphan's helpless wail,
The anguished mother for her children crying —
Thy wrongs were then revenged, though now ye fail.
Where now the spirit that thy son's once boasted?
Where now the sons of those who for thee bled?
Has all the valor of their sires departed?
And is thy glory buried with the dead?
Oh shame upon the recreant who would waver,
Or dare to falter in so just a cause;
98 Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
The State disowns the sons who will not save her,
From foes alike to freedom and its laws.
E'en now the gallant sons of sister States,
Are gazing on thee, anxious for thy good,
'Gainst common enemies they'll join their fates,
But would not help thee now, e'en if they could.
No! when thy sons have dastard like, allowed
Their chosen servants, by their laws elected,
Bearing thy seal (of which they once were proud),
To be 'gainst right and reason disrespected;
When this they've done — when freedom's fire has faded —
When cowards tread the soil where heroes trod —
When that is lost which now is but invaded —
And they have recreant proved to man and God —
Who then would aid thee? or thy sons in need?
Who'd heal thy wrongs? or strive to hide thy shame?
None! none! would own thee after such a deed;
And foul reproach would fasten on thy name.
But no! it cannot be — land of my birth!
And thou — my brothers — say, shall this foul stain,
This incubus that bows thee to the earth,
Say? shall this damning blot of shame remain!
No! by thy blood-bought freedom I adjure thee,
By honor, fame, by hope of Heaven s rest;
By those who bled and died but to secure thee,
The sacred rights that from thee now they'd wrest;
Arouse thee! to the strife! that banner waving,
Point to the space where once thy star shone bright,
Blanch not! but to the breach! all danger braving,
Show to the world ye dare maintain your right.
THE BOSTON TIPPECANOE CLUB SONG.
AIR, "O! 'Tis My Delight."
Did you ever see the paintings
Just front of Concert Hall?
There's something there of every kind
For Locos, Whigs and all —
There's Harrison, the farmer brave,
Who beat his country's foe;
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 99
O! we'll win beneath his banner
Who conquered long ago.
O! we'll win beneath his banner
Who conquered long ago.
There's all the story Johnson tells
About the brave old chief,
Who ever at his country's call
Came first to her relief —
Who never left the battle-field,
But he might victory know.
O ! we'll win beneath his banner
Who conquered long ago.
O ! we'll win, etc.
Who says that Gen'ral Harrison
Was ever found behind,
"When rifle balls were whizzing past,"*
And death rode on 4he wind?
He always bravely led the van,
To deal the victor's blow;
O ! we'll win beneath his banner
Who conquered long ago.
O! we'll win, etc.
But soon another victory
The gallant chief will gain,
Though 'tis not o'er the savage foe,
Or on the battle plain —
For dread misrule, with fearful band,
He soon will overthrow;
O ! we'll win beneath his banner
Who conquered long ago.
O ! we'll win, etc.
THE IRISHMAN'S SONG.
AIR, " Sprig a? Shillelak and Shamrock so Green."
Success to the man at that place called North Bend,
Bad luck to the spalpeen who would not defend
The fame and the name of Old Tippecanoe.
His heart for his country has ever beat true,
Her interest and honor were ever his view,
Whether fighting her battles or guarding her pelt,
* S«e Col. R. M. Johnson's speech.
ioo Tippecanoe Songs of 1840.
Sure its little he cared for his own noble self —
And such is the hero of Tippecanoe.
Sure you've heard of that little fond called St. Clair,
And that nate little river that empties in there;
To the banks of that river marched Tippecanoe,
Och! there he found Proctor with all his big troops,
With bastes of wild Indians, with screaming and whoops;
For the scalps of our boys, Och! they sharpened their
knives,
In hopes to make widows of all their swate wives,
And take off the scalp of Old Tippecanoe.
But you should have been there, at that nate little place,
To have seen the red coats turn the "right-about face! "
From the brave Yankee boys, under Tippecanoe,
And very soon after they got on the trail,
(A devil a bit could you see but the tail!)
Those red looking blackguards, without any clothes,
Show'd a set of clean heels, as you may suppose,
And got but few scalps from Old Tippecanoe.
Success to the hero! Och! sure would we sing,
Who trimm'd the red coats of that foolish old king
Who sent Proctor to fight that same Tippecanoe.
Long life, too, to Johnson, who fought on that day,
And killed that big savage called Tecumseh;
May each true hearted boy, in this land of the free,
Whether Yankee or Irish, just sing out with me,
Hurrah! for the Hero of Tippecanoe.
SONG.
[Written for the Celebration of the sth of May, 1840, at St. Louis.]
AIR, "Rosin the Bo-w"
Come all ye young men of Missouri,
And all ye gray headed ones too,
Turn out on this bright day of glory,
And shout for Old Tippecanoe,
And shout for Old Tippecanoe, etc.
When red foes our country invaded,
He boldly stepped forward for you,
And though red coats were boldly paraded,
They ran from Old Tippecanoe,
They ran from Old Tippecanoe, etc.
Tippecanoe Songs of 1840. 101
And if ever again they attack us,
Which just now there's a chance they may do,
Let's have the right spirit to back us,
The spirit of Tippecanoe,
The spirit of Tippecanoe, etc.
Van Buren may do to spend money,
Price or Swartwout would just as well do,
For like drones they eat up all the honey,
But there's work in Old Tippecanoe,
But there's work, etc.
Dark clouds are now gathering o'er us,
There's nought but disaster in view,
But they'll fly at the loud echoed chorus,
Of — hurrah for Old Tippecanoe!
Of— hurrah, etc.
Then let all with new vigor inspired,
Stand firm to their posts and be true,
And the vessels by gold mint drops hired
Can ne'er keep out Old Tippecanoe,
Can ne'er keep out, etc.
Come along to this log-cabin raising,
The ladies will all be there too,
And bright eyes will sparkle in praising
Our choice of Old Tippecanoe,
Our choice, etc.
Van Buren may quaff his Madeira,
Hock, Sherry, and Burgundy too,
But hard cider to us is far dearer,
It reminds us of Tippecanoe,
It reminds us, etc.
And his health shall be pledged in full glasses,
Toasts will spring from each heart that is true,
Like nectar 'twill seem as it passes,
'Tis the drink of Old Tippecanoe,
'Tis the drink, etc.
When you come to this log-cabin raising,
Bring along honest Democrats too;
Tom Benton can't keep them from praising
The deeds of Old Tippecanoe,
The deeds, etc.
IO2 7^ippecanoe Songs of 1840.
For those deeds are remembered in story,
Yet still there is much he will do,
And our country will add to her glory,
By electing Old Tippecanoe,
By electing, etc.
And when at our helm he is seated,
Sunshine will again be in view,
And Columbia with honor be greeted,
Commanded by Tippecanoe,
Commanded, etc.
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
HISTORY OF KNOX COUNTY, OHIO,
ANNALS OF KENYON.
LIFE OF SAM HOUSTON.
HENRY CLAY AND HIS FRIENDS,
RHUS.
THE WHIG PARTY,
ITS LEADERS AND PRINCIPLES.
NEMESIS OF THE REBELLION,
THE UNIONISTS OF THE SOUTH.
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
:
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
E
390
N88
1888
Norton, A. B. (Anthony Banning)
The Tippecanoe campaign of
1840